On February 16, 1993, at least one million Congolese of all ages participated in the "March of Hope" in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, formerly Zaire. They demanded the resumption of the Sovereign National Conference (CNS), which was brutally interrupted by the US-backed dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. The Conference marked the beginning of political change, and the end of fear and silence. People were willing to die to end the dictatorship.

Unfortunately for the Congolese people, the CNS failed to achieve its goal of non-violently getting rid of the US-backed dictator, Mobutu. It also failed to set up a viable political framework for transition to democracy.

In spite of the CNS failures, Dr Nzongola Ntlaja said that it accomplished a lot in that "more than any other national conference in Africa, the CNS did a rather thorough job in examining the country's past and in adopting a new vision or societal project for the future."

Congolese continue to yean to control their own affairs and excavate themselves from a brutal war imposed on them by US allies Rwanda and Uganda (1996 - 2002). The youth of the Congo appeal to supporters outside Congo to challenge the foreign policy of Western nations that back and maintain strongmen at the expense of the people. In addition, the youth call for a solidarity movement that supports their efforts inside Congo to bring about peaceful and lasting change in the heart of Africa.

The murder of David Kato, a gay rights activist in Uganda who was bludgeoned with a hammer, can be laid directly on the doorsteps of the country's dictator of 25 years Gen. Yoweri K. Museveni who for years has been publicly vilifying homosexuals.

It's one thing to accept that in Uganda, as in most African countries, with conservative traditional and cultural values, homosexuality is taboo--denied, hidden, rejected and denounced. It's altogether reprehensible, abhorrent, and completely unacceptable, when a country's president incites the population against a segment of its own citizenry, especially one that is already ostracized.

That's precisely what's been happening in Uganda--clearing the path for the killing of Kato, a spokesman for Sexual Minorities Uganda and a noted human rights activist.

Uganda gained quite a bit of negative global publicity last year when a member of parliament from Gen. Museveni's National Resistance Movement (NRM) ruling party introduced legislation to make homosexuality punishable by death. After calls from the Prime ministers of Britain and Canada, and U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, urging him to have the proposed Bill scrapped, Gen. Museveni, during a meeting of his NRM stalwarts, urged legislators to "go slow" on the Bill, which he said had now become a "foreign policy" issue.

According to the President's own official website in Uganda, Gen. Museveni said the proposal was "brought as a private members bill to Parliament" by Bahati, and not by his government. Gen. Museveni, on his website also claims that "in his conversation with US secretary of State Clinton, he said he had heard that homosexuals come from Europe and recruit young people using money, something she described as exploitation."

It would be interesting to compare Secretary Clinton's own recollection of that conversation with general Museveni's account.

As a natural progression of David Bahati's hate campaign, last year, a Ugandan tabloid newspaper, Rolling Stone, published the names, photographs and addresses of suspected homosexuals --including Kato's-- with a yellow banner saying "hang them." The editor of the paper Giles Muhame said it was in the "public interest," even though attacks on suspected gays were reported after the publication--he also called on people to report those believed to be homosexual to the police.

Yet, Gen. Museveni's attempt to distance himself from Bahati's proposed execute-the-gays Bill or the publisher of Rolling Stone's lynching campaign, is disingenuous. For years, the dictator himself had been preaching hatred towards homosexuals.

Here are a sampling of his own utterances:

"I have told the Criminal Investigations Department to look for homosexuals, lock them up and charge them," The New Vision, Uganda's government-owned daily newspaper quoted the general saying, in an article on September 29, 1999. "God created Adam and Eve...I did not see God creating man and man."

And according to local Uganda media and human rights organization's accounts, in subsequent weeks there were indeed arrests of several suspected homosexuals; some were tortured and locked up for weeks by the secret police. Some victims described being kicked and slapped until they bled, made to urinate on each other, having skin peeling chemicals poured on their skin, or made to sleep in the same room with corpses; some were reportedly allowed to be raped by other inmates.

Even students reported being publicly caned in front of their peers and then expelled from school for suspected of being homosexual.

On August 17, 2008, under the headline "Museveni backs church against gays," The New Vision reported that during the consecration of a Bishop, Gen. Museveni, speaking against homosexuality, said: “I salute the Archbishop and bishops of Africa for resisting disorientation and a decadent culture.." being passed by Western nations.

“Don’t fear, resist and do not compromise on that. It is a danger not only to the believers but to the whole of Africa. It is bad if our children become complacent and think that people who are not in order are alright," he is quoted as saying. Dr. Kizza Besigye, leader of the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) opposition party who was also attending the consecration ceremony reportedly walked out.

Yet, who could blame people like David Bahati and the publisher of Rolling Stone newspaper, who might have seen themselves as Ugandan "heroes" and "saviors" following such pronouncements by their president. Especially when the president has now been in office for a quarter century and recently said, regardless of the outcome of the Feb. 18, 2011 presidential elections, that he does not intend to cede power.

Yet Gen. Museveni remains a favorite of some Western leaders, including in Washington and London.

As recently as June 3, 2010 under the headline "Museveni warns on dangers of sodomy," The New Vision reported that Gen. Museveni "asked the clergy and African leaders to guard against Western culture, warning that the continent will end up eaten by homosexuality if they relax."

The newspaper quoted him saying: “The African Church is the only one that is still standing against homosexuality. The Europeans are finished. If we follow them, we shall end up in Sodom and Gomorrah.” The newspaper said Museveni also spoke about the “dehumanisation of people through homosexuality.”

African traditional values and conservatism aside, Uganda's dictator has undeniably through the presidential pulpit fostered the kind of hate and impunity which gave rise to David Bahati, the publisher of Rolling Stone, and now the killer of David Kato.

Even after Kato's murder, Muhame, Rolling Stone's editor today told a Ugandan newspaper: “He brought death upon himself. He hasn’t lived carefully. Kato was a shame to this country.”

No; it's Bahati, Muhame, and Museveni who are a shame to Uganda.

"Speaking Truth To Empower."

By Milton Alamadi of Black Star News

PRESS RELEASE NO 02/ASADHO/2011

"ASADHO condemns political intolerance fostered by the Congolese government on the eve of general elections in DR Congo"

The African Association for Defense of Human Rights (ASADHO), is alarmed by a series of intimidation, arrests and repression against members of the political opposition by the Government of the DRC.

Indeed, these are listed following cases:

1) On January 9, 2011, meeting of members of political opposition in the Congo Room of the Grand Hotel in Kinshasa has been banned without giving any reason;

2) An event scheduled to take place January 7, 2011 by the political party Congolese Union for the Nation (UNC) led by Mr. President Vital Kamerhe was banned for reasons not stated.

To recall, during his political tour in order to implement the provincial federations of his party Union pour la Nation in eastern Congo country, Vital Kamerhe, was banned from holding a rally in downtown Goma in the province North Kivu without reason;

3) The arrest in Kindu December 16, 2010 of party members including Mr. Vital Kamerhe Clement Kapay Lukembe Muchapé and Daniel, both charged with implementing the party in the localities and Kibombo Kabambare

The arrest of Mr Ndongala, National President of Christian Democracy party (DC). On tour in the preparation of the congress of his party, Mr. Eugene Ndongala, was arrested Jan. 13, 2011 in Moanda by elements of the Congolese National Police based on a procedural violation. On January 14, 2011, he was prosecuted before the Court of Peace Moanda, for alleged assault and simple assault and contempt and sentenced to five months' imprisonment and a fine of 100,000 Congolese Francs. On January 15, 2011, he was transferred to the prison of Boma, where he is detained to date. His bodyguard was also arrested and his property (telephones) were taken away.

5) For his part, Mr. Freddy Kita, Secretary General of the party "DC" in Kinshasa said he received Monday, January 24, 2011 threats by a stranger on the phone, saying: "this time you will see what will happen to you "

6) The refusal by the notary of the city of Kinshasa to authenticate the revised statutes of the party Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS);

According to information received by ASADHO, the new statutes of the party Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), adopted at its first ordinary congress held in Kinshasa in December 2010, presented by the Secretary General of that party to be notarized in this month of January 2011 have been rejected by the Notary of the Town of Kinshasa.

ASADHO notes while we are heading towards elections later this year, members of the political opposition are being arrested, intimidated, threatened and punished or banned demonstrations by the security services of the DRC in violation of the Constitution.

The Government's attitude is not likely to guarantee free elections, democratic and fair to all political parties.

ASADHO condemns this political intolerance and recalls that under Article 60 of the Constitution, respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms are necessary for public authorities and any person.

Given the foregoing, ASADHO recommends:

• To the President of the Republic:

- The unconditionally release of all political opponents are jailed.

• To the Congolese Government:

- Ensure the safety of members of political opposition and allow them to freely hold their meetings and other public events in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution.

- Take necessary measures to ensure that all elections to be held in the DR Congo be free, democratic and fair.

• To MONUSCO

- Include in its plans for 2011, protection of opposition candidates in the elections of 2011.

• Political Parties

- Do not give in to threats and intimidation, but continue to exercise their rights under the provisions of the Constitution.

Kinshasa, January 31, 2011

ASADHO

For information, contact:
Master Jean Claude Katende: National President
Telephone (00243) 811 729 908

Master George Kapiamba: National Vice President
Telephone (00243) 814 043 641

"Floribert Chebeya did not die for nothing. Continue the struggle for Human Rights ".

http://dc-kin.net/info/2011/01/31/communique-de-presse-n% c2% b002asadho2011 du 31012011liberez les-political opponents, imprisoned /

African Association for the Defense of Human Rights (ASADHO)
B.P.16737
KINSHASA 1
D. R. Congo

Ambassador Roger Meece, UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative for the Democratic Republic of the Congo gave a presentation in Washington, DC at the Wilson Center on Thursday, January 27, 2011.

The topic of the talk was “Elections and Peace Consolidation: Prospects and Challenges in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.”

Ambassador Meece provided information that was not widely available. He blew a big hole in the central argument of the Congolese government about why they had to change the constitution so that presidential elections could be one round instead of two. The government argued that they were changing the constitution and electoral law from two rounds to one round in order to save the country money and that the elections would cost $700 million. Ambassador Meece said the 2011 elections would actually cost about $240 million.

Ambassador Meece made two other key points that FOTC took note of. He cautioned the audience that analysts, policy makers, activists, etc do not sufficiently take into account the domestic political context and the role of local political actors when analyzing the Congo and proposing prescriptions to bring about positive change. This is a contention that Congolese have made throughout the 16 years of conflict and instability in the Congo.

A second key point that Ambassador Meece delved into with aplomb was the vaunted silver bullet of Security Sector Reform (SSR). He called upon observers, policy analysts and activists to be more creative when it comes to the issue of SSR. He contends that talking about an overall SSR plan is not particularly useful or constructive but SSR must be unpacked and broken out into different areas or sectors for example, police, justice and military.

Ambassador Meece’s caution and reminders were timely. As one local NGO states outsiders make prescriptions as if there is a Congo without Congolese.

On 16 December 2010, I was observing the roads around Bukavu, and was impressed by the thousands of people who had come to welcome Vital Kamerhe. Two days before, in Kinshasa, Kamerhehad resigned from the People’s Party for Reconstruction and Democracy (PPRD) and his parliamentary seat, in order to announce his candidacy for the 2011 presidential elections on behalf of the UNC (Union for the Congolese Nation). The previous week, the legendary opponent Etienne Tshisekedi had returned to Kinshasa after a three year absence. On 11 December, the UDPS (Union for Democracy and Social Progress) named him its candidate for the same elections.These leaders’ “Joyeuses Entrees” and candidacies rallied many people, to whom events seemed to be leading towards an electoral contest between participants with different visions and plans for society.

I was in the middle of a visit to the east, and was concerned by the wall of indifference regarding the elections. People do not feel the elections relate to them, and are disappointed by the few palpable results of the 2006 elections in their daily lives. It is certain that they will register to vote. In a country which for a long time has not issued bona fide identity documents, a polling card is an important document. However, many of the people I saw will not vote.

This lack of interest was all the more worrying when seen alongside the trend towards disintegration that dominates the country. The FARDC remains very undisciplined. Various armed actors continue to recruit, with the CNDP doing so more quickly than others. During 2010, the Congo seems to have evolved from a “post-conflict climate to one of pre-conflict”. I am neither an activist nor partisan in Congolese politics, but the mobilisation around the leaders of the opposition pleased me. It proved that it was possible to interest the population in the res publica

Since mid-January, the situation has changed. The constitutional revision that has taken place means, amongst other things, that the presidential elections will be carried out in a single round. From an immediate perspective, it seems as if this revision is designed to protect the political arena. Stepping back, it is a step towards the evolution of the semi-presidential system of the 2005 constitution to a centralising presidentialism (in terms of justice, control of the provinces, etc.)

It is EurAc’s opinion that the second electoral cycle, which is crucial for the consolidation of the democratisation process, is no less important than that of 2006. The Congo will never leave its insecurity behind unless the Congolese State is strengthened, including its instruments through which to guarantee the state of law and good governance. The elections will only have a chance if massive participation by citizens contributes to maximum legitimacy of the results and a strong mandate for the elected institutions. This will not be possible without the formation of an informed electorate or without a firm commitment to hold grassroots elections, as local elections must play an essential role in the rehabilitation of governance in the DRC. The political arena must ensure the protection of civil society and the independence of the press.

The international community’s interest in the peace process and democratisation seems less in 2011 than in 2006. The indifference of the international community, and of a disillusioned population, may jeopardize the progress made on the long road walked since transition and the installation of the Third Republic.

Kris Berwouts, Director
EURAC

I adore Roger Cohen's writing. And it is not just the quality of the writing itself. Roger's deep appreciation of soccer, his South African roots, his understanding of Africa and love of the US all contribute significantly.

However this particular essay is disappointing. Reason: He joins the rest of the MSM in hiding from readers the most important fact about the Tunisian revolution: The ousted dictator was propped up by the US, one of many "friendly tyrants" especially in the Arab world and in Africa.

In the Arab world, the US, "for 60 years sacrificed democracy in order to maintain stability but wound up with neither." Says who? Says George Bush 43 and Condi Rice.

In Africa the situation is grimmer. The US greeted African independence by helping to murder Patrice Lumumba 50 years ago and then installing Joseph Mobutu on the Congo. With Western protection, he proceeded to bring a vast, very rich country to its knees while personally becoming extremely rich and corrupt.

Fifty years later the Cold War is over and the US president, the son of an African has declared that "Africa does not need strongmen, it needs strong institutions."

Sadly Washington is still propping up dictators across Africa. Zenawi in Ethiopia and Museveni in Uganda are pretty bad.

However because of hagiographic mythology and powerful friends, Kagame of Rwanda is the most dangerous of America's "friendly tyrants" in Africa.

Mr. Cohen these are important facts you must tell your readers, especially Americans. Thank you.

Nii Akuetteh
Africa Analyst
Washington, DC

Patrice Lumumba

Dedicated to the memory and spirit of Patrice Emery Lumumba
(2 July 1925–17 January 1961)

The soldiers stole you and two others
into the back of a truck
in the middle of the night
put you in a bag tied up your beaten bloody body with rope
sweating as they drove you into the middle of the country
Katanga Province, Africa
in a far off field
where there were no lights
where you could not see anything
they assassinated you and two ministers Okito and Mpolo

they attacked to kill you
they ripped apart your body
scattering it bone by bone across the fields
so that the blood mixed with the earth
they hid you and they hid their murder of you
they thought that by doing this your spirit would break
they thought that by doing this your memory would be broken

but a week before the killing you had written to your wife,
“I prefer to die with my head unbowed, my faith unshakable,
and with profound trust in the destiny of my country.”

Patrice Lumumba – born in the village of Onalua in Kasai province,
the Congo
you called for an independent country in those stuffy halls
where people taunted you with their visciousness
you were not afraid to speak the truth
because you knew that a village, a country, perhaps even
the world would remember your words

the night knows your secrets
the way you envisioned a united Africa
Lumumba
something about your spirit moves me
across these many years
in a land far away
something about your very presence on this earth moves
me to tears
just as your mother stood outside her small house
as the sky was changing to dusk
stood crying into hands which could not stop the tears
from falling, dripping onto the earth
so that a river of tears fell at her feet

Lumumba
Lumumba
your name should become a chant for all free thinking people
you who longed for a corruption free politics
who took pride in every step you walked
for a free independent Congo you said
and those words became sacred chant for your people

they wanted your name to be forgotten
they wanted your warrior feeling to be cast out
they wanted to stamp on your vision
but it is not forgotten Lumumba
Lumumba
your mother weeping into her cupped hands
the tears filling her face her neck her body
Lumumba
your name is not erased from our history books
but bought back to life
and lived…

Copyright 2011 – Dorothy Johnson-Laird.

January 17, 2011 is the 50th anniversary of the assassination of Congo’s first democratically elected Prime Minister, Patrice Emery Lumumba. Friends of the Congo (FOTC) will commemorate the 50th anniversary by joining justice seekers throughout the globe who will be showing films, holding rallies, and organizing teach-ins and forums to commemorate the life and ideas of Patrice Lumumba.