The deal between former President Joseph Kabila and his coalition, Front commun pour le Congo (FCC) and current President Felix Tshisekedi and his Coalition, Cap pour le changement (CACH), has come to a predictable head. The country is in gridlock due to the internecine battles of the two coalition partners. The political blocks of the two prominent figures on Congo's political scene have repeatedly bumped heads. Since the formation of their coalition, they have been at logger jam, a product of the fraud-riddled 2018 elections.

Many analysts and observers of Congolese politics maintain that the results of Congo's 2018 elections were fixed and arranged by then-president Joseph Kabila so that the most pliable opposition figure, Felix Tshisekedi, could assume the presidency. The French newspaper Le Monde  put it best when it states that Tshisekedi became president through a secret accord with Kabila and a manipulated electoral process. While Tshisekedi would hold the presidency, Kabila and his FCC coalition would control the overwhelming majority of governorships and provincial assemblies, the Parliament’s upper and lower chambers, and ultimately, the Prime Minister’s post. Kabila and his coalition maintain control over the parliament, Prime Minister, key ministries (Finance, Defense, Justice), and parts of the security apparatus.

The Crisis
The factors that brought the crisis to a head revolve around the control of two critical institutions that are fundamental to determining the outcome of the 2023 elections. Both Tshisekedi and Kabila's camp are vying to dominate the so-called National Independent Electoral Commission (Ceni in French) and the Constitutional Court. The two blocks have clashed over a new president appointment to the Ceni and Tshisekedi's installation of three new judges on the Constitutional court. Whichever party or coalition controls these two institutions can determine the elections’ outcome, irrespective of how the Congolese people vote. The 2018 elections are a case in point; the electoral commission announced the winners, and The Constitutional court validated the announced winners even though the CENI published no final breakdown of the election results as required by law.

Tshisekedi's Sacred Union
Kabila and Tshisekedi have met several times over the past two years, presumably to iron out disagreements. Tshisekedi has even cited Kabila as a source of consultation and vowed not to dig into the past to go on a witch hunt against him, and the illicit network he has installed over the past two decades – reportedly one of the conditions of the deal between him and Kabila. However, the latest impasse between the two prominent political figures is different. In a nationwide televised message on the 23rd of October, Tshisekedi issued a call to form a new parliamentary majority, under the emblem of establishing a "sacred union." Tshisekedi launched a nationwide consultation of social and political forces on the 2nd of November to carve out a new majority, which is a direct challenge for all intents and purposes to Kabila and his FCC coalition. According to Kabila, Tshisekedi's undertaking also represents a betrayal of their deal. The mobilization of social and political forces under a “sacred union” that Tshisekedi has called for actually happened already in 2018 when the Congolese masses mobilized to force Joseph Kabila to relinquish power by organizing elections. During those elections, the masses again demonstrated their unity by making it impossible for Kabila to name his anointed successor Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary as the winner. In fact, the people’s aim and purpose was to oust Kabila and his network. It was Tshisekedi who threw Kabila a lifeline by entering into a deal with him that left the bulk of his network and power intact.

The formation of a new majority will be a daunting task, especially considering that Tshisekedi's coalition only controls 47 of the 500 parliamentary seats. Kabila's coalition holds 341 seats. The opposition coalition,  Lamuka, has 112 seats. At least 251 seats are needed to form a new majority. Therefore, Tshisekedi will have to persuade or "buy off"  Kabila's FCC coalition members to join him and the current opposition to create a new parliamentary majority.

Kabila's Response
Kabila has responded swiftly by summoning his coalition members to his farm in Kinshasa, ostensibly to ensure that none of them leaves his camp to join Tshisekedi in his efforts to create a new parliamentary majority. He prohibited members of the FCC from participating in the consultations without his authorization. The FCC governors, however, have been allowed to participate.  During the meeting with his coalition partners, Kabila lambasted Tshisekedi for going back on the deal. Tshisekedi's camp has spent the past two years, denying that such an agreement ever existed. Kabila threatened to make the deal public at the appropriate time.  Kabila shared with his coalition members that the agreement between him and Tshisekedi was “confidential and signed in front of three heads of state.”

France, U.S. and Regional Players
The United States through  its Ambassador, Mike Hammer and Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Tibor Nagy, have fully backed Tshisekedi's offensive tactics and seem to be well informed of Tshisekedi's moves. Before Tshisekedi delivered his speech to the nation, Ambassador Hammer tweeted that the president has a “big announcement” to make in his upcoming address. The US Ambassador also made it clear that he did not see a need to entertain Joseph Kabila. Meanwhile, France, for its part, does not want to see Kabila marginalized. France dispatched its top diplomat for Africa, Rémy Maréchaux, head of the French foreign ministry's Africa and Indian Ocean section, to meet separately with Tshisekedi and Kabila. The Kenyan vice president, Kalonzo Musyoka, also visited Kinshasa to discuss the political impasse with president Tshisekedi and Kabila.

The Consultations
During the consultations, Tshisekedi has engaged a broad cross-section of Congolese leadership: Opposition parties including major figures like Jean Pierre Bemba and Moise Katumbi; Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Denis Mukwege, former presidential candidates; faith leaders; civil society; youth movements; and many other Congolese leaders. Noticeably absent in his consultations are two key members of the Lamuka Coalition, former Prime Minister Adolphe Muzito, and former presidential candidate, Martin Fayulu, who many believe actually won the 2018 elections. Over the past two years, Fayulu has remained unremitting in his denouncement of Tshisekedi, and the deal he made with Kabila to appropriate the 2018 elections at the expense of the will of the Congolese people.

Kabila stepped up his response to Tshisekedi by launching an international diplomatic offensive. He sent letters to the countries that witnessed the signing of the accord (Egypt, Kenya, and South Africa). In addition, he reached out to neighboring Rwanda, the Southern African Development Community and the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Antonio Gueterres. Tshisekedi, for his part, has visited both Congo-Brazzaville and Angola personally to discuss the crisis with Denis Sassou Nguesso and João Lourenço, respectively. The impression is, as the United States, they support Tshisekedi. Following his visit to Angola, the DRC and Angola’s Air Force conducted a joint military air exercise over Kinshasa, the DRC capital. The Kabila camp took it as an attempted show of strength and a possible threat, which implied  that Tshisekedi was prepared to use force, if necessary, to achieve his objectives. A close advisor to Kabila and his former ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary, Kikaya Ben Karubi ridiculed the exercise on his Twitter account. In yet another apparent hard power move, On december 1st, Tshisekedi summoned the heads of the military and police who renewed their pledge of alligiance and fidelity to the president.

The inflammatory rhetoric from both Tshisekedi and Kabila camps warrants serious concerns. Kabila’s FCC has called on Tshisekedi to return to the table to iron matters out. They have repeatedly stated that the resolution to the current crisis can only occur within the agreement and coalition framework. Otherwise, Tshisekedi should opt for cohabitation instead of a coalition government or call for elections at all levels, including the presidency. In a cohabitation  scenario, the FCC would run the government independently without sharing ministries with Tshisekedi’s coalition (CACH).

Tshisekedi's pursuit of a new majority is a long shot and not likely to succeed. The leaders of his political party, The Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), have called on him to dissolve the parliament and organize new elections, but that would be unconstitutional as there is not a crisis between the parliament and the government. Both of which are controlled by Kabila's FCC coalition. It is only if there is a crisis between the Parliament and the government that the president could step in and dissolve Parliament, not if there is a crisis between the President and Parliament.

Congolese politics is fluid and mostly unpredictable. One cannot rule out Tshisekedi returning to the table with Kabila and continuing with the coalition as contentious as it may be. Cohabitation is also an option but is not likely. Another scenario being floated is that Tshisekedi will return to the coalition with Kabila while demanding additional space for key figures from his recently completed consultations. Tshisekedi’s consultations concluded on the 25th of November. He is expected to give an address to the nation, outlining how he plans to move forward.

The Peoples' Dire Material Conditions
While the politicians battle for positioning and advantages, the overwhelming majority of Congolese continue to live in abject poverty and deep misery. Seven out of ten Congolese live on less than $2 a day. Less than 2 out of every ten households have access to electricity. It is the third-largest population in the world without access to electricity. According to the World Food Program, conflict and instability combined with COVID-19 have driven 22 million Congolese or a quarter of the population on the verge of starvation. The east of the country continues to suffer widespread instability and lack of security. According to the Kivu Security Tracker, the first 20 months of the Tshisekedi presidency has witnessed 2,127 civilians killed, 1,450 abducted, 938 kidnapped, which is worse than the last 20 months of the Kabila presidency. According to the Human Rights division of the United Nation’s mission in the DRC, the Congolese Army and Police continue to be the main source of human right’s violations.

Conclusion
The Congo’s enormous challenges would already be daunting with legitimate leaders at the helm who reflect the people’s will  and act in their interest. However, when you have leadership that lacks legitimacy and is a product of a deal among elite politicians, it exponentially complicates the challenges. It makes it nearly impossible to address the basic needs of the people.

The current crop of leaders’ primary concern is their acquisition and maintenance of power by manipulating weak institutions such as the CENI and the Constitutional court. Unfortunately, delivering services to the people and improving their material conditions are not crucial factors in maintaining their power and privilege.

The social movements and resistance that forced Kabila to hold elections in the first place in 2018 must continue to educate, mobilize and organize the Congolese masses for fundamental and lasting change. The charge and appeal remain the same; the people must rid themselves of opportunistic politicians and produce a leadership that will serve the interests and needs of the sons and daughters of the Congo.

By Maurice Carney, Executive Director with contributions by Volunteer Coordinator Bibi Ndala and Intern Achint Das.

Jean-Paul Kibambe, Ingrid Schulze, and Samuel Yagase discussed the impact and importance of the Congo Basin to the rest of the world, with host Lys Alcayna-Stevens presenting and leading the discussion. Each panelist has been involved in developing the Congo positively, such as bridging the divide between rural communities and intellectuals or working in or funding higher education and rainforest conservation. The Congo Basin stores more carbon than the Amazon and Asian rainforests combined and can affect the climate on other continents. This shows how significant the Congo Basin is. The discussion focused on topics of international funding, respecting the local agenda, and letting Congolese citizens be the leader of changing their communities.  

Click here to support flood relief in Isangi, DRC.

Friends of the Congo-Atlanta organized a forum on the Pan-African Response to COVID-19, and the call was moderated by Carl Kananda, who is part of the Friends of the Congo Atlanta network. It covered a diverse array of topics, all related to the global epidemic disrupting society today. All the speakers, including Mr. Martin Azaboy Bunziga of the Telema Youth Movement, Mr. Diallo Kenyatta of the African World Order, Mr. Kambale Musavuli of the Center for Research on the Congo, Dr. Patricia Rodney of the Walter Rodney Foundation and Partners in Health, Education and Development (PHEAD), and Mr. Bernard Warner of the A & B Association of Persons with Disabilities, brought very important insights into the conversation that widened the audience's perspective on the outbreak response effort on the African continent and throughout the African world.



Perhaps the most important takeaway is that similar to most issues in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the issue boils down to key core elements: malnutrition, misrepresentation, and oppression. If the people of the Congo are hungry, how can they focus on proper prevention techniques to keep them safe in the outbreak? Mr. Musavali's experience in supporting efforts to distribute soap and information speaks volumes about this issue. He was able to share how Congolese youth organized efforts to distribute over 20,000 soap bottles to the people of Kinshasa and educate them about best practices for avoiding the Coronavirus. The youth were met with this response: "we thank you for the soap and information, but before that, we need food." Adding to this is the issue of running water and stable homes, which unfortunately not every citizen has access to. Thus, the response effort does not start with social distancing and vaccination. Instead, it must be adapted to the community itself, a point brought up by many of the experts. If the Congo has the potential to feed the expected increase in the world's population of 2 billion by 2050, why are its people starving? Infrastructure has to be improved at the local level, and basic amenities must be established, closely monitored, and maintained before any other measure. Moreover, control of food production must not be in the hands of the elite, rich, and large international organizations.

We see this consistent issue of how people in the Congo are not the ones in control, even though they are the ones who have the right to be represented and accounted for. It is the typical "power lies in the hands of the few" to the extreme. In political, administrative, and governmental institutions, the common citizens are not the priority - money and influence are. This mindset leads to corruption and exploitation, even of healthcare and humanitarian efforts - the 70-page review by UN forces and aid groups that exposed corruption within the Ebola response, sexual exploitation of women and girls, and manipulation of delivery and procurement of supplies, is a prime example of this (link to this report.

Thus, the overwhelming call from the forum really highlighted how an effective health response and a permanent solution works from the ground up - attend to the basic needs of the people, push for institutional reform, and then call for Pan-African unity. That way, we can expect to see success like the nations in the Caribbean and Mauritius have experienced during the Coronavirus pandemic. If you are interested in viewing the archive of the forum, please click here.

We encourage you to support the efforts of the valiant Congolese youth in combating the Coronavirus by making a contribution to their GoFundMe Campaign.

We, members of the popular mass movement, TELEMA, striving not only for the unity of Africa but also for its solidarity; reflecting on pan-Africanism as articulated by Thomas Sankara, gathered within our organization to reaffirm our solidarity with our African-American brothers and sisters.  Their oppression has been exposed yet again by the brutal and inhumane killing of George Floyd after the police officer of Minneapolis Derek Chauvin knelt on his neck for almost 9 minutes while he was handcuffed and laid face down on the road.

Faced with this act of murder, the popular mass movement, TELEMA demands:
1. The African Union to follow closely the legal processes against Derek Chauvin;
2. African heads of state to challenge and confront the United States, especially at the level of the United Nations, about its human rights abuses of African-Americans;
3. Our brothers and sisters in the 54 African countries to demand of their political leaders to summon the American ambassadors in each country to account for the abuses that are occurring against African Americans;
4. Pan-African movements and organizations to stand together and be vigilant against the injustices that affect the sons and daughters of our dear African continent who were separated from us by the European slave trade.

Long live African American solidarity
Long live African American freedom
Long live African American unity
Long live the pan-Africanism of the people.

Done in Kinshasa, May 31, 2020
Secretariat.

The administration of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the country where the majority of my family was born and raised, announced an initiative to enforce free education for primary school-children. A policy which has been introduced in the past and guaranteed by the constitution. The refund of school fees is in the works. I have my reservations.

While it is written in civil law, the ideal of compulsory education is simply not met throughout the DRC. Enrollment numbers are not suitable for a country nearing 81 million inhabitants. According to Northwestern University, enrollment rates stand at “40% overall for primary and secondary schools, and attendance is even worse in rural areas of the east where ethnic conflict persists”. In 2017, a national study on the DRC conducted by UNICEF found that an average of 95% of Congolese children are not participating in early childhood education or primary education. With the battered history and context of the DRC, government spending is a national concern. Unfortunately, a lot of progress has been at a snail's pace due to mismanagement of funds and corruption. There are so many systemic issues at play with the DRC and the education sector is no different.

Relatively, the public education I have seen in America while attending a public school myself is, granted, one that's ideal compared to places around the world. I'm familiar with “free education” being somewhat circumstantial. This past year, my fees for taking my chosen courses came out to $147. That’s just for classes. In my high school career (3 years), my family has spent around $1,000 for fees.

School fees are mandatory. They go directly towards providing adequate supplies and materials, teachers' salaries to recognize their labor and continuous training, the upkeep of school maintenance, ensuring transportation as a way to acknowledge the wide radius of students. Technology, lunches, courses, etc., etc.. Fees are the indirect costs to allocate for a school’s infrastructure and resources. So, it does act as a condition to getting an education.

America strongly enforces the law that requires a child to attend school for however many days out of the year. It’s an obligation to send your child to school. For low-income families at a greater disadvantage, they can be accommodated in order to maintain equal opportunity. For example, lunch fees would be reduced or completely waived if a family expressed financial insecurity. All in all, the system does its best to cater to a student's situation. The American school system as a whole centralizes and develops the change-makers of tomorrow because it’s free in its’ delivery. Access to education is free whereas tuition is not.

In the Congo, a Central African country with high unemployment and extreme poverty, struggle and stress find a home. The scale of urgency and vulnerability often forces the children to step up to the plate. So in too many cases, the decision is made to exclude education for the sake of reducing expenses. It’s not fair for children to strain themselves in their search to supply their family’s income. It’s not right for a child to choose between survival and education. That alone makes me incredibly frustrated. Theoretically, free education sounds beautiful. Right now, households in DRC are the major source of funding a school receives. That should not be the case, the Government should help foot the bill. “Promising to provide “free” education is not only in keeping with international standards and requirements, it is popular with people.” says Dr. Christina N’tchougan-Sonou, who has directed education projects in Africa for over 20 years. But reform needs to be practical before it is introduced to families that have been regularly under-served by former education policies. “If a school cannot collect some money from the parent, and the government doesn’t send the funding they promise (payment of teacher salaries, school building construction and maintenance, teaching materials), then the school directors don’t have anything to work with and sometimes have to close a school.” As mentioned, the chance of Government spending to actually reach the education sector and families is slim.

Congolese children often share their plea for access to quality education and a roadblock routinely mentioned is the adversity they face due to school fees. Of course, educational inequality should be eradicated and it is the Government’s responsibility to invest in its children. But, how in the world are schools to be funded? The new initiative for free education takes a commendable stab at raising school enrollment, but fails to address quality of education. Especially if there should be a sudden stream of enrolled students, the resources don’t stand a chance.

Mostly free education is a reasonable goal for the best interests of the schools and the children. I’m hoping for a more multi-sectoral response and better oversight by the higher-ups that can correct education management and accountability for DRC’s school network. Eliminating fees is a ways to go looking at the country’s trajectory. Before the kids get accustomed to a fleeting prospect and become even more disoriented by instability, questions should be raised. Will free education lead to the ineffective regulation of schools?

Bibi Ndala speaks at The People’s Forum in New York City

What do you do on a day to day basis in the battle against the coronavirus?
Bibi Ndala: The situation in the field guides my daily tasks. In the early days of the outbreak, I was coordinating and actively participating in the enrollment of clinics and hospitals to the Public Health Laboratory (PHL)'s eOrder system to facilitate the transmission of their specimens. Another aspect of my daily duties relates to problem resolution, which is a liaison role between hospitals and the laboratory to ensure that issues with problem specimens are resolved to minimize the impact on turnaround time. I also trained some of the staff that were hired to support the agency's efforts.

What are some of the key challenges that you face in carrying out your duties?
BN: Because this is an unprecedented situation, there is no real guideline in dealing with this outbreak. For most of us working, I believe that is the source of most of our daily challenges.

How do you cope with the stress and emotional challenges of being on the front lines in this battle against COVID-19?
BN: First, I am grateful to support the nurses and doctors treating patients by easing the testing process of their specimens. The Department of Health provides a lot of wellness and mental health support resources to the staff at PHL. Finally, I have a great network of friends and family that have been very supportive.

You just finished working on the Ebola task force in 2019 with doctors, activists, and policymakers. How does the coronavirus outbreak compare to what you witnessed with the 2019 Ebola outbreak in the Congo?
BN: There are many lessons to be learned from the Ebola outbreak, especially for the Congolese government. Yet, it is hard for me to compare it to the current pandemic. Although insecurity in the region made the response challenging, most of the procedures applied during the Ebola outbreak were based on lessons learned from previous outbreaks. In the case of the novel-coronavirus, the modus operandi is not well known. Further, health systems are being challenged like never before, revealing how much more we need to do in terms of global surveillance and emergency preparedness.

You visited health clinics and centers in the Congo in January, how prepared do you think the Congo is to address an outbreak of COVID-19?
BN: It is not a secret that the DRC has an ailing health system suffering from decades of negligence. The country lacks the medical equipment to respond to the outbreak appropriately; we are talking about respirators, oxygen pumps, test kits, consumables, and personal protective equipment. The good news is that they have the structure and the lessons from the recent Ebola outbreak to work with, along with some skilled health workers dedicated to their work.

You recently shared your experiences and offered advice to Congolese youth who have taken the initiative to educate the residents of Kinshasa about the challenges and best practices to combat coronavirus. Does being engaged in the battle in New York give you particular insights that you can pass on to your comrades in the Congo?
BN: First, I want to say that I am inspired and encouraged by the youth who are fighting to take control of the country's narrative. Although my involvement in New York is more technical, I have access to resources beneficial to their initiative. Unfortunately, the social conditions in Congo make it very difficult to apply the recommended preventive measures to combat this outbreak. Beyond the actions taken by youth organizations in the capital, the government needs to provide its citizens with the resources to apply the preventive measures effectively.

Anything that we haven't asked about your experience in New York and the Congo that you would like to share with our readers?
BN: I want to stress the fact that these are unprecedented times. In Congo, like in New York, it is important not to let fear and panic get the best of us. It is important to remain connected to reliable sources of information because there is a lot of misinformation circulating on coronavirus. Finally, we are fighting this pandemic together.

Bibi Ndala is a graduate of the Masters of Public Health program at New York University with a concentration in Global Public Health. She currently works as a City Research Scientist at the New York City Department of Health and Mental Hygiene’s Public Health Laboratory. She has ten years of experience as a medical technologist at McGill University Health Center. She recently launched the organization ELAKA to support and educate expecting mothers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Bibi also serves as volunteer coordinator for Friends of the Congo and Congo Love.