In an eagerly-awaited address, Joseph Kabila delivered a harsh diagnosis of the current situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo, while unveiling the broad outlines of a project to rebuild the country. The former president denounced the shortcomings of Félix Tshisekedi's regime, before threatening to respond to the situation like a soldier.
The Senator for Life began by accusing his successor, Félix Tshisekedi, without mentioning him by name. "With a heavy heart, I note that barely six years later, this beautiful undivided inheritance, bequeathed to all our people, has been completely squandered by the man who was entrusted with it; that our country offers a most distressing spectacle; and that it arouses all the more despair among our people, and pity and mockery throughout the world, as the recklessness of its leaders offers no hope of recovery," said Joseph Kabila Kabange.
The lifting of his immunities
The timing of this address is particularly sensitive. The day before, the Congolese Senate lifted Mr. Kabila's immunity, paving the way for prosecution on serious charges: treason, war crimes and crimes against humanity.
"A few days ago, following a simple rumor in the street or on social networks, about my alleged presence in Goma, where I will be going in the next few days, as announced elsewhere, the regime in power in Kinshasa took arbitrary decisions with disconcerting lightness, which testifies to the spectacular decline of democracy in our country," he says.
Although he did not mention this issue directly, he did criticize the upper house of parliament and the legislative power as a whole.
His 12-point recovery plan
Against this backdrop, Joseph Kabila has proposed a national recovery program, based on twelve objectives, including ending the dictatorship, putting an end to the war, re-establishing the authority of the State, restoring democracy, national reconciliation, relaunching development and withdrawing foreign troops from Congolese territory. But he did not explain what status and means he would use to implement his plan, which he considers vital to the survival of the DRC as a country.
Kabila: the soldier who will take over the army?
Kabila is not taking kindly to his successor, and is making a series of thinly veiled threats against Félix Tshisekedi's regime. First of all, he coaxed the Congolese military by saying that "Having trained them, commanded them and led them to the front, I know our soldiers. Scapegoats, today, for all the counter-performances recorded on the battlefield, they are not, however, intrinsically less good, less nationalistic or less loyal. What has changed in the meantime is the quality of their command and management.
He went on to clearly state his intention to do away with the current tenant of the "palais de la nation", the official office of the Congolese head of state. "As a soldier, I swore to defend my country to the supreme sacrifice. Yesterday in power, today out of power, I remain more faithful than ever to this oath" says the former president of the DRC between 2001 and 2019.
This speech, seen as a turning point in Kabila's posture, raises many questions about his future intentions. Does he want to return to being a central player on the Congolese political scene? Only time will tell.
Former Prime Minister Augustin Matata Ponyo was sentenced on Tuesday to 10 years' hard labor, 5 years' ineligibility and immediate arrest by the Constitutional Court, which sits in first and last instance.
The Congolese High Court also ordered the seizure of his assets. He was found guilty of embezzling 156,849,413 US dollars. His two co-defendants, the former governor of the Central Bank of Congo (BCC), Deogratias Mutombo, and the head of the South African company Africom, Christo Grobler Stéphanus, were each sentenced to five years' imprisonment
Bukanga Lonzo: the so-called "revolutionary" park in Matata:
With technical and financial support from the World Bank, the Congolese government opted in 2013-2014 to promote agro-industry or industrial agriculture through the implementation of twenty agro-industrial parks. Within this framework, the Bukanga-Lonzo park, in the Kwango province not far from Kinshasa, was to serve as a pilot project.
The Bukanga Lonzo Agro-Industrial Park project straddles two provinces, Kwango and Kwilu, and covers two territories: Kenge and Bagata. The site identified for straddles the sectors of Bukanga-lonzo and Wamba and covers an area of around 80,000 ha. Initiated in 2014, this Bukanga-Lonzo project was completely halted in 2018 by the Congolese government because it was becoming a money pit. This is the project that will stick to Matata Ponyo's skin, the man known as the "rigorous man in the red tie" will then be called "the man who planted corn in Bandundu and harvested a university in Kindu".
Embezzlement of public funds:
First of all, the embezzlement of over $156 million, in conjunction with Christo Grobler Stéphanus. Of the $279 million disbursed by the Public Treasury, only $34 million was actually allocated to the activities of the Bukanga-Lonzo agro-industrial park", says the Constitutional Court.
Then, with Deogratias Mutombo, the misappropriation of $89 million that had been allocated to the construction of the Kinshasa International Market, attached to the Bukanga Lonzo project. The Constitutional Court also ordered the confiscation of their assets in proportion to the sums embezzled.
Between a political trial and untouchable politicians:
Matata Ponyo also denounced a violation of his parliamentary immunity, as he has been a member of the National Assembly since the 2023 elections. In response, the Court argued that his immunity as a senator had been lifted before the last legislative elections.
"The jurist will always wonder how a National Deputy is not judged by his natural judge and how a former Prime Minister is judged by his natural judge, but without a double authorization of prosecution and impeachment from Congress" says Ngondankoy Paul-gaspard, Professor of Public Law at the University of Kinshasa National Deputy Judge at the Council of State.
While some people see this as a case of vindictiveness, others point to the financial delinquency of Congo's politicians.
"The Bukanga Lonzo project is just the tip of the iceberg of systemic corruption, facilitated by poor governance in the DRC; a phenomenon that has continued to take on stratospheric proportions, particularly since the current administration came to power," says Christian Magabo, a political analyst. "Immunities protect people who are accountable to the nation for their management of the country. It's out of the question for politicians to continue to use this to escape justice. But everyone has to answer, including those from the ruling party," says a journalist in Kinshasa, speaking on condition of anonymity.
Senate President Lukonde Sama has sent an invitation to former president Joseph Kabila for a "working session with the special commission" that is ruling on the lifting of his immunities and the authorization of proceedings against him. His appearance is scheduled for Tuesday.
He will come to defend himself against accusations by the military justice system of collaboration with a terrorist group. At last count, Joseph Kabila is between South Africa and Namibia. It's hard to know whether he'll accept this invitation. The upper house of the Congolese parliament offers him the possibility of being represented by his lawyers, according to the invitation letter.
The Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) are once again shaken by a case of embezzlement. The commander of the 11ᵉ brigade issued an alert in a communiqué on Sunday, May 18, concerning the disappearance of funds intended for the payment of the salaries of soldiers engaged on the front in the south of South Kivu province.
In a fax sent to the various heads of military units in the region, the brigade commander asked anyone spotting the alleged embezzler, Colonel Nkulu Kilenge Delphin, to arrest him and hand him over to the nearest military prosecutor's office. The document states that the officer's escape was noted before the payment operation was launched a few days ago.
This embezzlement comes at a time of fighting between the FARDC and Wazalendo fighters and M23 rebels in the region. When contacted, the spokesman for the Sokola Sud operations confirmed the facts, without however providing any further details. Colonel Nkulu Kilenge Delphin, the alleged hijacker, is currently on the run.
The impact of this case goes far beyond the judicial framework. For the soldiers on the front line, deprived of their pay, it is the recognition of their sacrifices that is called into question. Many observers believe that this kind of practice dangerously undermines cohesion within the armed forces, at a time when unity is essential.
Several members of the government are implicated in a project to build a new prison in Kisangani. If this involves several ministries of the Judith Suminwa government, the citation of the Minister of Justice, who had set himself up as the man who fights corruption, is the most surprising. What we know so far:
The Cellule Nationale des Renseignements Financiers (CENAREF) has decided to block a sum of 19.9 million US dollars, initially earmarked for the launch of construction work on a prison in Kisangani, capital of Tshopo province. This action follows suspicions of financial embezzlement.
In a letter addressed to the Prime Minister, Adler Kisula Betika Yeye, Executive Secretary and First Advocate General of the Court of Cassation, stated that a payment had been made to ZION CONSTRUCTION SARL for the launch of the works. This payment was made on April 16, 2025, into an account opened one day earlier at RAWBANK, a private bank operating in DRC.
In a note, the Ministry of Finance clarified that no funds have been disbursed to finance the project to build a prison in Kisangani, contrary to what is being spread on social networks.
"No payment has been made, either by the Treasury or from an account under its management, in connection with a project to build a prison in Kisangani, as spread on social networks". He goes on to say: "This matter has not been dealt with in any way by the Ministry of Finance".
He believes that if the work had been financed, the payment process would have taken place in another financial structure not under the supervision of the Ministry, given that "in our country, there are bank accounts dedicated to specific projects and special accounts, which do not come under the jurisdiction of the Minister of Finance".
In response to these accusations, Minister Mutamba's office denounced what it described as a cabal aimed at undermining the government's efforts to combat corruption. It also denied allegations that a $39 million contract had been signed, calling the letter circulating on the web "imaginary and fictitious".
The Minister announced that he was considering legal action for defamation and spreading false rumors.
Between CENAREF investigations, ministerial denials and contradictory documents, this affair raises serious questions about the management of public funds. At a time when the government is embarking on "anti-corruption reforms", this case could become a symbol of the abuses it claims to be combating.
To be continued ...
Written by Akilimali Chomachoma
Caption 1: Constant Mutamba, Congolese Minister of Justice visiting the prison of Kisangani
Caption 2: View of Kisangani’s prison from outside
The main reasons for the mass arrests are primarily: BODY TATTOOS, HAVING AN "UGLY" FACE, LOSS OF ID CARDS, and PERSONAL VENDETTAS.
1. BODY TATTOOS — Even though many chronic diseases in Congo are treated naturally, tattoos have long been part of traditional healing practices since childhood — for instance, in cases like Ruhima and other chronic illnesses, known even to Rwandans.
2. HAVING AN “UGLY” FACE — This is not the fault of the innocent victims who are now marginalized by Rwandan soldiers in Goma and Nyiragongo.
3. LOSS OF VOTER ID CARDS — Many people are being arrested despite having valid ID cards. The M23-Rwanda administration seems to deliberately ignore the situation. Many Congolese held hostage in Goma and Nyiragongo had lost their cards, and neither the CENI nor civil services are providing duplicates or certificates of loss.
4. PERSONAL VENDETTAS — In areas under M23-Rwanda occupation, all it takes is someone with connections in the group to accuse a target of anything, leading to an arrest without any legal process.
By now, the whole world has borne witness to the deplorable situation that has unravelled in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo since the start of this year. To date, the country has seen the invasion of both Goma and Bukavu by M23 and their allies through military operations and fear tactics, causing people to flee their homes. This additionally came with the targeting and murder of many young Congolese people (particularly in Goma), and, of course, increasing questions surrounding the role of ethnic tensions in this situation. The world bears witness to the machinations of the international community, and thus far, we have seen the UN’s resolution to explicitly condemn Rwanda, sanctions on Rwandan statesmen, and various Global North countries freezing their aid to Rwanda. Let us be measured, however, in praising these actions as a consequence of the Global North’s love for justice or the Congo. Before this, we observed the world's painfully slow move to condemning Rwandan actions against another sovereign state, the DRC. One should attribute the world’s ‘wake-up call’ to those who lobbied, spoke up, and demanded justice for the DRC. Notably, the likes of Therese Kayikwamba Wagner - the Congolese Minister of Foreign Affairs - have been both inspirational and pivotal in rallying governments to look upon the plight of the Congolese and bring Rwanda and its accomplices, like M23, to justice - exposing them on the global stage. Kayikwamba Wagner’s lobby for the Congo has not gone unnoticed by the diaspora, and her work has inspired discourse concerning the effectiveness of the diaspora's efforts in Congolese development, activism, and overall support of the nation.
In the initial absence of helpful responses from the same governments that so fervently denounced the war in Ukraine, the outcry for justice by those looking in on the situation, like the Congolese diaspora, has never been more piercing in its bid to evoke some purposeful reaction from states. The same states with the bargaining power we witness at play in the everyday workings of our society. The resurgence of M23 in the DRC has been portrayed with an air of fickleness and complicity by some Western media, with some news outlets framing the situation in such a way that negates the gravity of the tangible experiences and realities of those affected. It remains no secret that Rwanda is and has been at the forefront of Congo’s perils for over a decade, yet certain media are audacious enough to describe Rwanda’s involvement in this crisis as “alleged”!
With such violence on a large scale and the premeditated attacks on Congolese populations, one can question the almost frozen silence of governments and their populations in the condemnation of Paul Kagame and Rwanda’s involvement with M23 in the DRC. Notwithstanding the reality of governments around the world concerning other issues outside the Global North that equally require attention, like in South Sudan. What noticeable positive impact has the international community, the holy grail of all humanitarian crises, had on the war in Sudan?
Watching governments gather to discuss the tragedies in the DRC should normally reassure us that they care enough to address the situation, only for this glimmer of hope to be snuffed out by the states with power enough to veto the sanctioning of war criminals. What a shame! Despite the UN resolution, some EU countries remain reluctant to drop their mineral deals with Rwanda. It goes without saying that those minerals, of course, are not ‘originaires’ of Rwanda…! The recent weeks have highlighted that the cause of the Congolese people is less popular with states than one would imagine. Recent months have highlighted how trivial a situation the issue in Congo is deemed for some, at least in comparison to other world events. However, when you consider what is at stake, it becomes less surprising to see why the international community would drag its feet when it comes to supporting Congo. Should the international community choose to support the DRC in its fight against Rwanda and M23, and successfully, this could signal Congo’s end of tolerance for the plunder of its mineral wealth and natural resources. This would adversely affect industries that have been profiting from the decrepit situation in the DRC, particularly for the manufacturing of products such as electric cars and new mobile phones. If we consider the minerals needed to produce mobile phones, this inevitably leads us to the topic of the “3T” minerals: tantalum (coltan), tin, and tungsten; materials so pivotal for modern warfare, weapon systems and new technologies that elites would rather support the illegal acquisition of them, than shed light on the harm inflicted on Congolese people due to high demand of the 3Ts. The untold truth is that a stronger Congo means a strengthened African continent. As Frantz Fanon so beautifully postulated, “Africa is shaped like a gun, and Congo is the trigger”.
If the resurgence of M23 ensures sustained warfare, insecurity, and a turning of the Congolese state’s attention away from development, of course, the likes of some Western states would rather block any light at the end of the tunnel. Apparently, nothing else is new under the sun when it comes to Western states.
This somewhat crippling discourse on the involvement of Western states- or lack thereof- is not borne out of an unsubstantiated disappointment but rather from the realities witnessed in the past few weeks, be it at the UN security council meetings or other forums in which the DRC’s problems, have been discussed. There is always space for criticising states when discussing issues of conflict and international intervention, however, the role of protests and public outrage as central to enlightening people on crises is not to be forgotten in the Congolese crisis.
In recent times, the world has seen lobbies, boycotts, and groups infuriated at countries’ lack of action concerning events in various world regions. These protests often came with rallying calls to stand up for humanity, (because only a human with a conscience would agree that human rights breaches must be fought against) but apparently, when the geographical location of human rights discourse shifts to the Great Lakes region, that same fervor for human life and human rights dwindles, flickers, and eventually is barely seen. The lack of interest in denouncing the crimes committed against the Congolese people is even more shocking when considering the worldwide response and campaign for Ukrainians. The crisis in Ukraine was framed by media and global humanitarian organizations as “an exceptional crisis” with Ukrainians being framed as “vulnerable aid recipients” (Bryant and Hargrave 20241). This “exceptional” crisis concerning predominantly Western white people garnered international attention and response. According to the Centre for Disaster and Philanthropy, “the humanitarian situation in Ukraine worsened in August and September 2024” and this saw a worldwide mobilization of efforts to help Ukrainians flee. So, what causes people’s giving hearts and concerned attitudes to cease to exist when the crisis shifts to Congo?
Perhaps one could attribute the lack of widespread outrage to people’s conceptualization of suffering. Note that by people, I speak of mostly Western populations, as I can only speak for the context I am currently in. Whether we choose to accept this or not, the Western world seems to operate according to a hierarchy of global suffering. That is, some people’s suffering seems to take precedence over that of others in terms of urgency and importance. Stijn’s Joye’s article (2011) expounds on this notion of a ‘hierarchy of global suffering’ which draws upon theories of distant suffering to explain the behavior of the media in reporting on foreign natural disasters. Joye’s work sheds light on the othering of the media, which assumes an “us vs. them” paradigm through which international crises are perceived, thus causing many in the Global North to disassociate with suffering that is not familiar or nearby. As such, it can be inferred that this way of perceiving suffering informs people’s attitudes to even the direst of examples. In the Western media, Western suffering is portrayed as being closer to the consumers of media, whereas non-Western crises and suffering, despite their severity, are portrayed as distant. So Congo is too far away to capture people’s attention… but not too far for the industry to reach over and liberally hoover up minerals as is befitting to their will. And what of public outrage?
In an age where many are disconnecting from the corporate media as their source of truthful information and turning to social media, how is it that even social media does not seem to stoke the spirit of justice in people for Congo? Public outrage seems to be limited to people’s associations and interests rather than human rights for all. This is deeply concerning and whilst I cannot provide an answer, though I bear my own assumptions, I and other Congolese people can only plead the cause of our countrymen by appealing to the part of humanity that craves justice for the 48 women who are raped every hour in Congo, for the children forced to go down into dangerous mines, and for the Congolese population ignored by the ‘educated’people of this world. People in our society claim to be supporters of the oppressed and yet remain silent when the slaughter of millions over time continues to go unspoken.
What of solutions then? Fanon highlights that "the fate of all of us is at stake in the Congo," and this must cause us to question what good can arise for the world if Congo is dying. Though an appeal to Western readers seems to be the focus, it goes without saying that everyone should be pleading Congo’s cause to whomever will listen. It is a problem requiring the whole world’s attention. Taking time to reflect on one’s stance concerning injustice would and should drive people to take action of their own will. How this manifests itself is dependent upon each one’s capacity; however, this same compromise cannot and should not be afforded to states and institutions that have the jurisdiction or power to help in some way.
An operation was launched by the ICRC on Wednesday April 30, 2025 to ensure the departure of the first convoys of FARDC soldiers and Congolese police officers stationed at the MONUSCO base in Goma, bound for Kinshasa.
"On April 30, 2025, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), acting as a neutral intermediary, is accompanying a series of convoys carrying several hundred disarmed members of the DRC Armed Forces (FARDC) and Congolese National Police (PNC), as well as their families, from Goma to Kinshasa," said the ICRC in an official statement.
These soldiers and policemen took refuge in MONUSCO bases after the M23 took Goma at the end of January with the support of the Rwandan army.
"We thank the ICRC for its decisive role as a neutral intermediary in facilitating the implementation of this complex operation with the agreement of all the players concerned", said Bruno Lemarquis, Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and acting head of MONUSCO.
The Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo express their deep gratitude to MONUSCO in a press release. This is "for the work carried out by its field teams to protect members of the FARDC and the PNC in this difficult and tense context, in accordance with the mandate entrusted to it by the United Nations Security Council", says the statement from the Congolese army.
The ICRC hopes that the parties involved will secure this operation. "Under the terms of the agreement reached with the ICRC, the actors involved have undertaken to ensure the safety of the people taking part in the convoys and to work towards the success of the operation. The ICRC has also ensured that all persons have consented to be included in this transport."
This operation will continue throughout the month of May, say sources.
The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the AFC/M23 rebels have announced, in a joint declaration, their commitment to an immediate ceasefire, following talks mediated by Qatar.
After around three weeks of negotiations, the two parties agreed to sign a joint declaration to give progress a chance at the talks which began in Doha, Qatar. Two communiqués with the same content were signed separately by the Government in Kinshasa and the AFC/M23 in Goma on April 23, 2025.
The two parties agreed to work towards the conclusion of a truce that would allow the establishment of an effective ceasefire. They reaffirmed their commitment to an immediate cessation of hostilities.
The joint communiqué states that respect for these commitments by both parties will pave the way for a constructive dialogue to restore lasting peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the region. "This dialogue will address the root causes of the current crisis, as well as the modalities for putting an end to the conflict in the eastern territories of the DRC", says the communiqué.
"These commitments will also be respected by both parties throughout the duration of the talks until their conclusion," agreed the Kinshasa and AFC/M23 authorities.
The Qatari mediation welcomed this significant breakthrough in the negotiations. Having succeeded in bringing together Félix Tshisekedi and Paul Kagame, presidents of the DRC and Rwanda respectively, the kingdom is delighted. "We are pleased to note the collaborative efforts and this joint declaration between the Democratic Republic of Congo and the M23," wrote Majed Al Ansari, Prime Minister of Qatar.
Doha's first agreement with Qatar will be put to the same test as the other processes that have attempted to reconcile Kinshasa, Kigali and the M23. Respect for this immediate ceasefire will be one of the first barometers of this dialogue, as in the recent past ceasefires have been declared unilaterally or collectively, but clashes have continued on the ground.
On Friday April 25, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda signed a "declaration of principles" for an agreement to promote peace and economic development in the Great Lakes region, while putting an end to the conflict ravaging eastern DRC.
Signed by Congolese Foreign Minister Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner and her Rwandan counterpart Olivier Nduhungirehe, in the presence of US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, the declaration joins other peace mechanisms.
The two countries have committed themselves to a number of principles, including recognition of each other's territorial integrity and borders - a victory for Kinshasa, which accuses Rwanda of trying to balkanize the DRC. "The Participants mutually acknowledge each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and commit to a pathway to resolve their disputes by peaceful means grounded in diplomacy and negotiation rather than hostile force or rhetoric" can we read in the declaration.
Added to this is the need to limit the proliferation of non-state armed groups and the voluntary return of refugees and thousands of internally displaced persons, while also recognizing the role of Monusco.
"The Declaration of Principles that the Foreign Ministers of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda signed today in our nation’s capital paves the way for peace, stability, and prosperity in the region. The Declaration will help protect our strategic interest in critical minerals to grow our tech sector and bring sorely needed peace and stability to the region" said Marco Rubio.
Kinshasa and Kigali agree to "create a preliminary draft peace agreement" by May 2.
