“Africa is shaped like a revolver, and the Congo is the trigger” – These are the words of French West Indian psychoanalyst, Marxist philosopher, and Algerian revolutionary, Frantz Fanon. When spoken about, Fanon is remembered for his contribution to anti-colonialist efforts against France in Algeria, and his written works covering the psychological and social trauma on the colonized caused by colonial rule. While these feats are noble and, in the case of Algerian independence, crucial against the psychological end of anti-colonial struggle, it is also important to keep his writings on the Congo and its place in African liberation in running conversation as they offer apt insight on how colonialism affected political power balances in central and southern Africa. Considering the recent crisis, this urgency has only grown, as the themes of colonial control mentioned by Fanon are observable in recent interactions between the Congo, Europe, the UN, Rwanda, and Uganda, and offer explanations for the nuances of current African power relations.

For background, Fanon was born in 1925 in the French colony of Martinique to a mixed-race, middle-class family. This unique circumstance exposed Fanon to the reality of colonial life, both the benefits of the system of the ruling and compliant classes, through his attendance at the prestigious Lycée Victor Schoeler school, as well as the costs incurred on colonized livelihoods through his Afro-Caribbean heritage. Despite this early awareness and anti-colonial education through his tutelage by Aime Cesaire, Fanon initially subscribed to the French colonial image, joining the 5^th Antillean marching Battalion as part of the Free French Forces (FFL) in World War 2. During his service, Fanon became increasingly disillusioned by the racial discrimination propagated by both the FFL and Vichy France, stating in a letter to his brother Joby that he had been “deceived” by the ‘honourable’ struggle of the French and was sick of it. Following the Second World War, Fanon studied literature, drama, and philosophy at the University of Lyon shortly before doing a residency in Psychiatry at Saint-Alban-sur-Limagnole. This education led to Fanon’s eventual station at Blida-Joinville Psychiatric Hospital in Algeria, where Fanon’s disillusionment spilled over into open opposition following his disgust at the enforcement of colonial norms despite their clear mental effect on hospital residents. After handing in his famous “Letter of Resignation to the Resident Minister,” Fanon joined the FLN, aiding in efforts to free Algeria from French occupation through writing and ambassador work, primarily to Ghana. Fanon continued this line of work until his leukaemia diagnosis, going to the US for medical treatment in a deal with the CIA made at the request of his comrades. Fanon’s sudden death in 1961 from double pneumonia, which he contracted during his abandonment in a hotel by his assigned CIA operative, cut the career and life of Fanon short, but his place in Algerian liberation and wider Africanist thought has preserved his memory.

Fanon wrote extensively in praise of both the Congo and Lumumba, supporting Lumumba’s mission “to liberate his people and make sure that his people no longer lived in great poverty and indignity, despite the riches of the Congo.” The writer also had a high reverence for the music of Congo, depicting it as a strong, beautiful representation of wider Black/African culture unfathomable to the white man. Musical talent was not the only quality of the Congo that Fanon praised, remarking on the profound sense of unity among peoples fostered within the nation through Lumumba’s leadership. It was his stark belief that if any tribal dissensions remained in the Congo, it was because they were kept up by agents of colonialism. These agents of colonialism were numerous, spanning from European states to the UN and all the way to rival African puppet governments. Primarily, Fanon believed these agents sought to spark rebellion by funding and arming the “lumpenproletariat,” the lazy, unemployed, and criminal elements within Congolese society, to sow dissent. These groups eventually formed the rebel armies of Kasai and Katanga.

Although initially called in as a peacekeeping force, Fanon was strongly against the intervention of the UN in the Congo, calling the organisation a “legal card used by the imperialist interests when the card of brute force has failed” in his book “Toward the African Revolution.” A unified Congo under Lumumba, to Fanon, ran counter to European interests in Central and Southern Africa, as Lumumba had proclaimed that the complete independence of the regions would follow the liberation of the Congo, dedicating support to nationalist movements in Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and Angola. This threatened the material interests of the European empires, which had massive ambitions in extracting the vast abundances of resources, such as gold, rubber, and diamonds, from Africa. Their desperation only doubled following realisations that Lumumba was dedicated to his cause and could not be bought unlike the many “chiefs of puppet governments, amid their puppet independence” that Fanon observed populating African governments. The UN and its bias of power to the West then formed a perfect cover for Europe and affiliated parties to undermine Lumumba. Specifically, Fanon spoke about how the independent development of the Congo threatened Belgian interests, seeing the UN as its guarantor for sabotaging Congolese efforts towards furtherment. The UN was used as a cover by Belgian soldiers to commit atrocities, as well as a safety buffer by Belgian-funded enemies of the Congolese state to arouse public opinion against Lumumba in key regions such as Katanga. During this the UN also proved incapable of “validly settling a single one of the problems raised before the conscience of man by colonialism” or stopping any of the many massacres that took place during the 60s Congo Crisis, furthering notions of its biased and ineffective involvement.

Fanon’s denunciation of the UN for its shallow and Eurocentric involvement in the Congo during the 1960s crisis is poignant, given the current opinion of the UN’s continued presence in the country. In ‘Le Monde diplomatique’, Sabine Cessou writes how, despite the investiture of up to $1.3bn between 1999 and 2016, the deployment of 22,400 personnel in the DRC and the continued support of the UNSC in the Congolese “stabilisation” mission since 1999, the UN has failed to “prevent massacres or check the proliferation of armed groups” in the east, particularly the Rwanda-backed M23 group. Furthermore, the UN has maintained its presence in the Congo, despite its council voting for an end to MONUSCO, the UN’s peacekeeping mission in the DRC, in January 2024, extending its mandate to December 2025 in the face of M23 violations of the ceasefire agreement in North Kivu. Such decisions are insulting given their documented history of failing to prevent M23 from arming itself, as well as their blatant ignorance of repeated demands from Kabila during his presidency for UN withdrawal, as well as current President Félix Tshisekedi’s push for a complete withdrawal of MONUSCO by the end of 2024. The UN’s continued lack of interest in maintaining the peace despite its constant insistence on involvement was best highlighted by its inaction to break up clashing protestors and police outside the home of opposition leader Etienne Tshisekedi in August 2016, showing a willingness to overlook clear-cut cases of political violence. This often-lacklustre involvement in Congolese politics ensures one thing: that the Congo is kept weak, a condition beneficial to Ugandan, Rwandan, and European interests in a mirror image likeness to the benefits destabilising the Congo had to Europe during the crisis of the sixties.

Overall, Fanon held the Congo in high regard, praising its anti-colonial unity under Lumumba as well as its musical prowess. His criticisms of the involvement of the UN in the Congo as an ill-disguised intrusion of imperial interests in domestic Congolese politics still hold water today, as evidenced by current reactions to the UN’s continued presence in the DRC. One thing to note is that, despite despairing at the loss of Lumumba, Fanon encourages hope in the face of opposition to Congolese unity, stating that “no one knows the name of the next Lumumba.” Just as Fanon held hope for the Congo in the sixties, we should have the same hope for the Congo now, as with effort and drive, the liberation of the country from colonial invasion is a question of when, not if.

Written by Alex Temmink

After weeks of negotiations and speculation, the formation of the Suminwa 2 government was finally unveiled on Thursday 7 August. However, far from putting an end to the debate, the announcement has rekindled questions about the coherence, transparency and true motivations behind the choices made by the current government.

"It's like robbing Saint Paul to pay Saint Peter. It's just a swapping of ministers. The Head of State is being stifled by people who are anxious for their positions and don't want to give way. Take the example of one of the ministers: from ESU to rural development to agriculture", says Vedder Luebeya, a resident of Kinshasa.

Assistant Arsène Kaputu, who was approached, noted that it was a case of the same animators being assigned, but with different jackets.

"We don't see enough difference compared to the SUMINWA 1 government. It's like someone saying that there hasn't been a reshuffle but rather a permutation because there are certain ministers who were in Ministry A who will be taken to Ministry B. Those who were in Ministry B will be taken to Ministry C and even when you see the total number of portfolios in the SUMINWA 1 government, SUMINWA 2 has 53 portfolios whereas SUMINUA 1 had 54. When you look at the total number of portfolios in the SUMINWA 1 government, SUMINWA 2 has 53 portfolios whereas SUMINUA 1 had 54 portfolios. So there has been no reduction in the lifestyle of the institutions. This means that it's more or less the same team that has changed jackets", he analyses.

The timeless features of the Tshisekedi regime:

In the space of six years, almost a hundred men and women have served in government, but several have stood the test of time, becoming "indestructible" members of the national executive. There are five in all who have never left the government since Félix Tshisekedi became head of state. Julien Paluku and Didier Budimbu are the other two of Tshisekedi's "indestructibles". Paluku, who was appointed Minister of Industry, retained his post after turning his coat, joining the Sacred Union like the majority of his peers who had abandoned Joseph Kabila's camp. Didier Budimbu started at the bottom of the ladder, appointed deputy minister of EPST in 2019. After the FCC-CACH divorce, this close friend of Denise Nyakeru, wife of Félix Tshisekedi, gained influence to find himself at the heart of management. Irène Esambo is also on Félix Tshisekedi's list of "indestructibles". She is still Minister Delegate in charge of people living with disabilities.

Didier Mazenga, who, incidentally, took over the leadership of the Parti lumumbiste (PALU), has never left the government since 2019 and has been Minister of Transport, Regional Integration and Tourism in turn. But the first of them is undoubtedly Jean-Lucien Bussa. His longevity is even greater than that of the President. Having joined the government in December 2016 when he was appointed Minister of Planning, the former member of the Movement for the Liberation of Congo (MLC) has settled in for the long term.

"President Tshisekedi should know that he will have no more excuses to offer the people when it is he himself who wants to keep the same people who have not been up to the job," said Désiré Tshimbekoy, a political analyst.

Criticism of certain figures:

While the government has been criticised for not being "tightened and open to the opposition and civil society" as announced, some of its new members have been the subject of criticism since their appointment. This is the case of Grace Emie Kutino, appointed Minister for Youth, who is undoubtedly the most controversial member of this new government team, even before she took office. Many analyses and criticisms are circulating on social networks, questioning her choice by the President of the Republic.

Other ministers such as Noella Ayeganagato, who has left the Ministry of Youth to take up the post of Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs, and Guy Kabombo Mwadimvita, who has been appointed Minister of National Defence and Veterans' Affairs, are also being questioned.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

Journalist Fiston Wilondja Mazambi was found dead in the early hours of Tuesday 05 August in the town of Bukavu, in the province of South Kivu. Traces of torture were visible on the stunned body lying in a street in the town of Bukavu.

The organisation Journaliste En Danger (JED) is calling on the leaders of the M23-AFC rebellion to clarify the circumstances surrounding the death of journalist Wilondja Mazambi Fiston, who was found dead in the early hours of Tuesday 05 August in Bukavu, the provincial capital of South Kivu.

Wilondja Mazambi Fiston, who was in his thirties, worked for the media monitoring centre (Centrale de Monitoring des Médias), an ethical and deontological monitoring program of the National Union of the Press of Congo (UNPC).

In its press release, JED states that the journalist succumbed to his injuries on arrival in the emergency room of Bukavu General Hospital, after having been subjected to "serious torture".

According to its sources, Journaliste En Danger reports that "Wilondja Mazambi had been abducted the previous day by an 'armed commando'" at around 6 p.m. in the vicinity of Place Mulamba chez Mangaza, in the Nguba district.

"A great writer has died, a victim of his commitment to the truth. The DRC has lost a man of his word, democracy has lost a defender, and the press mourns one of its own" said a journalist.

While expressing its dismay, JED is "urgently" calling on the authorities of the AFC/M23, the rebellion that controls Bukavu, to clarify the circumstances surrounding the death of journalist Wilondja Mazambi, which, according to the organization, does not appear to be an ordinary case of insecurity.

Written by Munguakonkwa Shabani

If touched upon within education, African anti-colonial thinkers are often placed in a political vacuum, artificially isolated from neighbouring contemporaries within wider continental dialogues. The effects of collaboration among African ideologues on pan-Africanist thought are often left out of records, constructing a false atmosphere where African anti-colonialists acted alone against European imperialism instead of together. This phenomenon risks the omission of key interactions between popular African leaders and the connections made between their struggles for independence.

Notably, Nkrumah, the revolutionary first President of Ghana, was a marked supporter of Lumumba and a Free Congo. Nkrumah is construed as the founding father of Ghana and the main leader behind Ghana’s role in the wider pan-Africanist movement, but little is said about his interactions with fellow leaders. Nkrumah saw the Congo as “the Heart of Africa” – a vital region that formed a buffer state between a growingly independent Africa in the North and a South controlled by imperialists. To Nkrumah, the Congo stood as a decisive factor in the fight between neo-imperialism and Pan-Africanism, marking the victory of either party depending on which way the country swayed. Resultantly, the freedom of the Congo from imperialist influence became a matter of significant importance for Ghana’s president and Pan-Africanism at large, underwritten by the leader’s “fervent hope” to rally Africa to his ideology.

This political leaning brought Nkrumah into close contact with Patrice Lumumba, who shared in his ideals of African freedom, unity, and independence. Lumumba’s own experiences in Accra during the All-African People’s conference of 1958 had added a stark Pan-African dimension to his Congolese nationalism and fostered a close relationship between him and Nkrumah, referring to one another as brothers in official correspondences. Lumumba and Nkrumah often discussed how the Congo could be structured to best repel imperialist influence, with Nkrumah often encouraging a strong unitary governmental system for the Congo as a means of preventing neo-imperialist meddling through the exploitation of federal systems, an omen for events soon to come.

During the Congo Crisis of the 60s, Nkrumah attempted to push for “African self-respect” in peace-keeping matters by sending a solely African force to prevent conflict, also transporting an unprecedented level of foreign aid to the Congo at “almost every level of government”, according to Opoku Agyeman, including medical and civic support. To the Ghanaian president, this backing was a matter of principle, stating in a 1960 UN General Assembly meeting that “to damage the prestige and authority of that [Lumumba’s] government would be to undermine the whole basis of democracy in Africa”, denouncing the belligerence of the West and Western-backed rebels against the legitimate central Congolese government as an extension of how far colonial powers would go to maintain their domination “in one form or another in Africa.”

Nkrumah’s plans of an Afro-centric response to the Congo Crisis were short-lived, eventually being pushed out by a mix of UN, European, US, and US-backed forces who chose to support Mobutu and his pro-western sentiments. The betrayal of the UN and Lumumba’s later assassination at the hands of these parties was a source of considerable grief for Nkrumah, stating in a broadcast on the 14^th of February 1961 that the loss of Lumumba was an illegal power grab by the rulers of the US, UK, France and other powers allied with Belgium as well as a “loss for the whole African continent.”

Despite knowing each other for a short time, the interactions between Lumumba and Nkrumah appeared to have a profound effect on the politics of Ghana, Congo and continental Pan-Africanism, highlighting an often-overlooked connection between African struggles to be rid of colonial influences. What’s important to keep in mind when analysing the Congo or any other Black African nation is that their struggles rarely exist in a void and are often emblematic of larger conflicts, be it ideological, economic, or social. The Congo is the heart of Africa, so ask yourself, what does it tell you when the heart is under attack?

Written by Alex Temmink

Front-and-centre, or side-by-side? The question of the Congo’s place in African anti-colonial struggles has varied in answer from thinker to thinker. As covered previously, Nkrumah, the first President of Ghana, believed that the Congo stood as the “Heart of Africa” and was therefore at the forefront of African liberation. However, not every thinker shared this opinion and instead believed that the Congo’s place was on a more equal level of importance to its neighbours. One such thinker was Nnamdi Azikiwe, the First President of Nigeria and the father of Nigerian nationalism.

Nnamdi Azikiwe (1904-1996) was born in Zungeru in Niger state to Igbo parents. Attending primary and secondary schools in Onitsha, Calabar, and Lagos, Azikiwe was exposed to all three major Nigerian cultures, learning more about Nigeria’s position in the world upon moving to the US for university and later travelling to Ghana for early employment. After returning to Nigeria in 1937, Azikiwe founded the Nigerian Youth movement and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) which supported him as he was elected to the Nigerian Legislative council and later emerged victorious during the 1959 federal elections. These elections were key in securing Nigerian independence from the United Kingdom’s colonial control, asserting Nigeria’s capacity for self-rule, and demonstrating their demands for freedom from European imperialism. Despite his focus on Nigerian politics, Azikiwe also looked outwards to the rest of Africa, foreseeing a collaborative push between African states for the total liberation of the continent from colonial powers.

Azikiwe’s anti-colonial thought rested on a few principles, insisting upon the right of an African state to sovereignty, non-interference, and to federate (or confederate) with whom they chose. The state of African nations was a source of despair for Azikiwe, who likened the continent to a “ham which has been carved by the sword of European imperialism.” The Nigerian leader believed that if matters were placed totally and wilfully into the hands of African countries by Europe, the continent would prosper. Most importantly, Azikiwe believed in the right of African states of equality of sovereignty irrespective of size and population, opposing any hierarchy of importance between African countries. For these foundational beliefs, Azikiwe believed that the independence of Africa came from the formation of an African Leviathan from a collaboration among African states, calling for Nigeria to “co-operate closely with the other independent African states” to form the political bloc needed to push out colonial influences. While still supportive of African liberation and the Congo’s independence, Azikiwe’s ideals put an emphasis on equal collaboration among African states as the method towards true African freedom, instead of the fateful sway of any state, as Nkrumah believed for the Congo.

Lumumba’s own philosophy aligned with much of Azikiwe’s thought, similarly believing in an egalitarian attitude to the importance of African Liberation. In a speech at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, in 1959, Lumumba stated that “Africa will not be truly free and independent as long as any part of this continent remains under foreign domination”, placing all African states on an even plane of importance. The Congolese leader was also of the same opinion that it was colonialism and its facets of control that “seriously hinder the flowering of a harmonious and fraternal African society,” seeking their removal to allow Africa to bloom. Lumumba similarly sought the unity of Africans in popular movements or unified parties to “demonstrate our brotherhood to the world” and fight against the balkanisation of Africa into weak states at the mercy of the West, a sentiment parallel to Azikiwe’s own comparison of a balkanised Africa to a carved ham in its revulsion at the predatory colonial division of Africa.

While Azikiwe’s thoughts on the Congo Crisis itself remain unknown, it can be assumed through his philosophy, that the secession of Katanga under Tshombe and the brutal military involvement of Belgium, the UN and allied countries would have been taken as a mark of disrespect to the integrity of Africa and its right to federate or confederate without influence. The involvement of Nigerian military forces in peacekeeping operations solidifies notions of favouring an Africa-led response to intra-African conflict and the camaraderie of African states through the support offered to the Congolese government by Nigerian forces.

Despite records never hinting at a meeting between the two leaders, Azikiwe and Lumumba clearly shared a vision of an Africa free from European domination and believed in similar pillars for African inter-state collaboration moving forward. Whether the vanguard of liberation or a willing member of an egalitarian community, the Congo’s independence was and is a matter of importance to Pan-Africanists from all walks of the ideology. Today, the Congo faces the same challenges to its rightful sovereignty, territorial integrity and freedoms as it faced during the crisis of the 60s. Irrespective of which pan-Africanist ideologue you follow, there is no question about the independence of the Congo; its protection is essential to the anti-colonial struggle, and it must be freed from the grasp of colonial and neo-colonial influences.

Written by Alex Temmink

This appeal is an extension of the “Camp de la Patrie”, a citizens' platform initiated by Fayulu. Through this movement, he advocates the defense of the sovereignty and integrity of the national territory, while calling for the opening of an inclusive dialogue bringing together political players, civil society and religious denominations, an approach also encouraged by CENCO and the ECC.

Martin Fayulu has long associated the threat of balkanization with the presence of the M23, which he accuses of illegally occupying part of the east with the support of Rwanda. In his view, the only way to put an end to the political and security crisis that is undermining the nation is for all Congolese to mobilize and engage in genuine dialogue.

"Congolese patriots, let us remain united to counter the plots to balkanize our country. Let us not be distracted: the enemies are preparing their attacks. Let each of us serve the country with the gift we have received from God", he said on his social networks.

In this tense climate, with clashes continuing in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Fayulu reiterated his openness to a meeting with Tshisekedi. One of his spokespersons said: "A signal which, despite political differences, suggests the possibility of a common strategy to preserve the future of the Republic".

For several years, Fayulu has been warning of the threat of balkanization, which he associates in particular with the persistent occupation of territories in the east by the armed group M23, supported by Rwanda. He believes that only national mobilization and frank dialogue can provide a lasting solution to the security and political crisis shaking the country.

He is the only major opposition player that the current government can count on, as other opponents swear by dialogue.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

“DRC-USA: US lawmakers denounce the lack of transparency surrounding the mining partnership currently under negotiation,” headlines Radio Okapi on its website.

In the United States, the mining agreement between Washington and Kinshasa has sparked heated controversy. Democratic Representative Linda T. Sánchez, supported by 51 other members of Congress, has criticized the administration for conducting negotiations in secret, without involving Congress or ensuring transparency in the process, according to Enquete.cd

“In an open letter addressed on Monday, August 11, to President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, these Democratic lawmakers expressed their concerns about the lack of transparency surrounding negotiations between the United States and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) on strategic mining contracts,” Radio Okapi reported.

“Strategic minerals cannot be exploited at the expense of the health, land, and future of the Congolese people,” they warned, sending a clear and firm message to both US and Congolese authorities, the media outlet concluded.

To calm the situation, the Congolese Press Agency, a government agency, explained that this letter does not mean that the US Congress rejects the deal. His dispatch states that “the official text shows that US elected officials are requesting adjustments (consultation with Congress, protection of human rights), but no final decision has been made,” before concluding that Congress has not said no, but is demanding ethical and legal guarantees before finalizing anything. The issues raised (security, human rights) are real and well-documented, but they are being used here as leverage to renegotiate the terms of the partnership, not to cancel it.

The deal itself is the result of several fraudulent payments, according to Congolese media. “The US firm Ballard is paid US$100,000 per month by the Congolese government for its lobbying activities with the Trump administration to implement the barter deal, strategic minerals in exchange for security for the DRC, according to a report by Global Witness published in early July 2025,” announced Ouragan Fm

US lawmakers say they are waiting for a formal response before any official visit by a Congolese delegation to Washington and want to be kept informed of progress toward a fair agreement. “Mining for critical minerals must not be carried out at the expense of the Congolese people, their land, and their development prospects,” they insist, as reported by Tazama RDC.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

Six people lost their lives and only one survived the crash of a plane on Saturday 16 August, 34 kilometers from Kisangani. Only one passenger survived the crash. He was immediately rushed to hospital for treatment.

The victims included the aircraft's two pilots, whose nationality was not specified. A colonel, battalion commander in Punia, and his wife were also killed in the crash. One of their bodyguards was killed, while a second survived and was rushed to a medical centre. The lifeless bodies of the aircraft were found and taken to the morgue in Kisangani.

According to witnesses, the aircraft, coming from Lubutu, crashed after hitting a tree on the Ituri road at a place called PK34.

The exact causes of this tragedy remain undetermined for the time being. According to the local authorities, investigations have begun to find out more about the cause of this tragic accident.

Other sources have reported that the as yet unidentified aircraft belonged to a private individual currently in Europe. The aircraft was left behind in Lubutu during the occupation of the M23 rebels in Walikale, a town located some 180 km from Lubutu centre. However, the shock came as the plane was being brought back to Kisangani.

While on approach to Kisangani, some 34km away, the aircraft lost radio contact with Bangoka airport. An investigation is underway to determine the exact cause of the accident.

Aircraft crashes are very common in the DRC, especially involving small aircraft. People looking for emergency exits from rural areas use them to reach urban areas quickly because the roads are insecure and impassable. Rigorous technical inspections are needed to avoid similar situations in the future.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

The trial of Joseph Kabila by the Public Prosecutor's Office began this Friday 25 July 2025 before the High Military Court in Kinshasa. The former head of state, who led the country from 2001 to 2019, will face heavy charges including treason, war crimes and alleged support for the Alliance Fleuve Congo rebellion, a political movement that has joined forces with the M23, a rebellion supported by Rwanda.

This appearance comes two months after the Senate lifted his parliamentary immunity on 22 May. An unprecedented decision in Congolese political history, it opened the way for legal proceedings against the man who for nearly two decades was one of the most powerful men in the country.

According to the indictment, Joseph Kabila allegedly provided logistical and financial support to armed groups operating in the east of the country after his term of office, in particular the AFC/M23, which was involved in abuses in the east of the DRC.

In addition to crimes against peace and the security of humanity, participation in an insurrectional movement, high treason, intentional homicide by bullets, apology for criminal acts, rape, torture and deportation, Joseph Kabila is also being prosecuted for the open occupation of the town of Goma. The prosecution accuses him of alleged complicity in the rebellion that has occupied Goma for several months now.

The trial will be held under tight security and is expected to last several weeks, according to certain sources.

While Joseph Kabila's supporters denounce a "political persecution", his detractors are demanding justice on behalf of the victims of the conflicts that have bloodied the east of the DRC for two decades.

Despite the opening of the trial, the Honorary President's presence at the court remains unrecorded. This situation is reminiscent of his absence at a previous invitation to appear before the Senate to be heard before his immunities were lifted.

After declaring that the case had been referred to it, the military court received the civil party application from the Democratic Republic of Congo. The lawyers who had lodged this complaint at the hearing requested a postponement to enable them to study the case file and prepare their defense. The High Court granted this request and adjourned the case. The High Military Court adjourned the case until 31 July 2025.

This trial is already a major event, attracting widespread national and international attention. The outcome of this unprecedented case will inevitably have a profound impact on the political future of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

To be continued ...

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

In considering how to proliferate development efforts and unity in a country, peacebuilding is looked upon as an integral part of reconciliatory processes in contexts of war and violence, particularly where injustices have occurred. Many of these injustices directly affect women who are treated as worthless pawns amidst political games, gambles, and conflicts. Yet, on the topic of peacebuilding in Congo, the treatment of women amidst conflict and generally in society is not foregrounded as a key element when thinking about reconciliation, memory, and moving forward. Much less discussion around peacebuilding. The DRC has seen multiple failed attempts at peacebuilding strategies, and such a recurrent outcome has raised questions concerning the sincerity of the multiple state and non-state actors involved in fostering peaceful dialogues. Recently, however, the light at the end of the tunnel seems to be more than a faint haze for the Congolese. Recent days have seen an unprecedented union between President Felix Tshisekedi of the DRC and politician Martin Fayulu, who fancied himself something of an opposition leader. Where a scathing attitude to Tshisekedi’s presidency was entrenched in Fayulu’s political discourse, as he believed his ‘electoral win’ was stolen from him by Tshisekedi in 2018, his contestations seem to have taken a turn, as both Fayulu and Tshisekedi have now found themselves in coalition against the endeavours of Joseph Kabila. Former president of the DRC, Kabila, continues inciting discord between Congolese people and working in alliance with Rwanda to portray the situation in Congo as a display of internal Congolese bickering, absolving Rwanda of its culpability and involvement.

Whether a ruse or a genuine desire for a partnership, Tshisekedi and Fayulu’s meeting may well mark a critical juncture in Congolese politics; this coalition sends a message throughout the country that being unified by a shared national identity and a desire for Congo’s development should trump the tribal tensions that have long constrained development in many areas and at various levels of society.

One of the most striking points raised in the dialogue was Fayulu’s call for “national cohesion”, expounding on the need to create a “camp for the homeland” which would prioritise the urgent needs of the Congolese people, concerns. This is particularly interesting in light of the peace agreement between Rwanda and the DRC. Where some have praised the efforts to get Rwanda to the negotiation table and reach a shared conclusion, others have condemned the agreement as a pitiful transaction that resulted in Congo being sold to America, just through a ‘legal framework’. A country that, prior to this, had been effectively ‘sold’ to Rwanda, at the hands of former president Joseph Kabila. This peace deal, signed on the 27th of June 2025, poses an interesting question as to whether such actions promote “national cohesion” and “creating a camp for the homeland”. Such an endeavour would require the support of all the Congolese people, irrespective of their tribal background, often a catalyst for conflict and flailing social cohesion. Yet, amidst all this discourse concerning ‘Congolese interests’, one must ask: do these interests include upholding the rights of women in zones of conflict? Whilst this meeting could later be looked back upon as having marked something of a critical juncture in the DRC’s development trajectory, this meeting may keep our eyes fixed on potential promises not yet realised and distract our attention from the ever-present tragedies occurring outside Kinshasa. Maintaining hope and optimism about the DRC’s political situation should not replace our continued efforts to raise awareness about the particular suffering of women and girls who are repeatedly subjected to violations and human rights abuses by the Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group and other Rwandan actors in eastern Congo.

A recently distributed clip showed a Congolese woman from Goma lying on the ground and held down by a group of men. What ensued was a display of physical violence with makeshift wooden batons as her punishment for refusing to be forcibly married to a Rwandan. Not only did she receive continuous blows on her back downwards, but she was also robbed of her dignity as parts of her genitalia were exposed on camera whilst she received blows from the wooden sticks. With all the people gathered to watch the affair, whether forcibly or not, no one stepped in or up to rescue her from what will remain a harrowing memory for her and those around.

Such is the suffering of many women who live in areas at the heart of the conflict, only the world does not bear witness, particularly as they are not all recorded or reported. In some conflict-ridden areas in the DRC, no regard is given to women’s rights, with statistics detailing that a woman is raped every 48 hours in the DRC! Women do not seem to be a priority in Kinshasa’s political discourse, and thus, women are left to the devices of rebels and groups like the Rwandan-backed M23. Organisations like the Panzi Foundation, which helps women who have been victims of sexual violence in conflict situations and sexual war crimes, need to be foregrounded in the discussion about helping women. The organisation aids women in reclaiming their narratives and rebuilding their lives, an element of particular importance as many survivors become ostracised by their communities, though they have suffered. These women are indeed worth more than their harrowing experiences, and in wanting governments to materialise their support for these women, the de-stigmatisation of women who have been subjected to such crimes must accompany any support given. For instance, should the government enforce laws creating a police department for the reporting of sexual violence, without de-stigmatisation, crimes would likely remain unreported due to the shunning and shame that women would be met with! The prevailing situation across the DRC’s political landscape highlights a disconnect between the government and its people. Where the current administration has made significant progress in areas like education, the government’s priorities do not always seem to align with or wholly consider the critical needs of certain groups in society, like women.

Due to a ‘lack of public and official data concerning gender-based violence and violations carried out against women and girls’, as reported by Amnesty International in 2024, many cases of violence against women are disregarded. This only harbours a sense of impunity across the country and sends a message that supporting women’s rights is not critical to the nation’s development, encouraging ignorant attitudes and carelessness. Clearly, established international human rights law has little effect in regions like Goma! It remains imperative that the Congolese government is lobbied to take expedient actions to support affected women in these conflict-ridden parts. Women are key to Congo’s development, and neglecting their rights is erroneous in every way.

The understanding of development presented within this article is drawn from the writings of Thandika Mkandawire. His work describes development as the “liberatory human aspiration to attain freedom from political, economic, ideological, and social domination. As highlighted by much research, women are pivotal to development efforts and economic prosperity in developing countries. For example, fostering safer environments for women to exist means that women in developing contexts (and more generally) would willingly engage in different forms of work available, even in male-dominated spheres. This leads to economic diversification, as well as an improved quality of human capital. To successfully support women in areas like Goma, mechanisms must be established that enforce women’s safety and accountability measures for those who threaten this. For women who suffer in the aftermath of abuse, a reform in the judicial system is crucial in helping such women obtain justice and support in rebuilding their lives and reintegrating them into society. This is because many women who face sexual violence are often ostracised by their communities and shunned.

People are the most important part of development efforts, and therefore, where issues concerning the people are not handled, real development cannot really be obtained. This also speaks to the importance of social policy that can ensure the inclusion of diverse groups in development efforts and society overall. Women in Congo require government attention, and without this, armed groups and even general civilians will continue to wage war on women’s rights and lives.

The war on women must end. This war does not rage only in Congo’s zones of conflict, but across the nation. A more prominent discussion on how to combat this war on women is crucial to millions of female lives being protected in the DRC, and whilst activist groups and charities may provide limited support, one way in which long-term change can be effected is through government intervention. As you consider the ongoing situation in the DRC, remember the millions of women who often face the repercussions of political issues, becoming retaliatory tools at the hands of rebels and finding themselves with no one to turn to.

Written By Ketsia Kasongo