By now, the whole world has borne witness to the deplorable situation that has unravelled in the eastern region of the Democratic Republic of Congo since the start of this year. To date, the country has seen the invasion of both Goma and Bukavu by M23 and their allies through military operations and fear tactics, causing people to flee their homes. This additionally came with the targeting and murder of many young Congolese people (particularly in Goma), and, of course, increasing questions surrounding the role of ethnic tensions in this situation. The world bears witness to the machinations of the international community, and thus far, we have seen the UN’s resolution to explicitly condemn Rwanda, sanctions on Rwandan statesmen, and various Global North countries freezing their aid to Rwanda. Let us be measured, however, in praising these actions as a consequence of the Global North’s love for justice or the Congo. Before this, we observed the world's painfully slow move to condemning Rwandan actions against another sovereign state, the DRC. One should attribute the world’s ‘wake-up call’ to those who lobbied, spoke up, and demanded justice for the DRC. Notably, the likes of Therese Kayikwamba Wagner - the Congolese Minister of Foreign Affairs - have been both inspirational and pivotal in rallying governments to look upon the plight of the Congolese and bring Rwanda and its accomplices, like M23, to justice - exposing them on the global stage. Kayikwamba Wagner’s lobby for the Congo has not gone unnoticed by the diaspora, and her work has inspired discourse concerning the effectiveness of the diaspora's efforts in Congolese development, activism, and overall support of the nation.

In the initial absence of helpful responses from the same governments that so fervently denounced the war in Ukraine, the outcry for justice by those looking in on the situation, like the Congolese diaspora, has never been more piercing in its bid to evoke some purposeful reaction from states. The same states with the bargaining power we witness at play in the everyday workings of our society. The resurgence of M23 in the DRC has been portrayed with an air of fickleness and complicity by some Western media, with some news outlets framing the situation in such a way that negates the gravity of the tangible experiences and realities of those affected. It remains no secret that Rwanda is and has been at the forefront of Congo’s perils for over a decade, yet certain media are audacious enough to describe Rwanda’s involvement in this crisis as “alleged”!

With such violence on a large scale and the premeditated attacks on Congolese populations, one can question the almost frozen silence of governments and their populations in the condemnation of Paul Kagame and Rwanda’s involvement with M23 in the DRC. Notwithstanding the reality of governments around the world concerning other issues outside the Global North that equally require attention, like in South Sudan. What noticeable positive impact has the international community, the holy grail of all humanitarian crises, had on the war in Sudan?

Watching governments gather to discuss the tragedies in the DRC should normally reassure us that they care enough to address the situation, only for this glimmer of hope to be snuffed out by the states with power enough to veto the sanctioning of war criminals. What a shame! Despite the UN resolution, some EU countries remain reluctant to drop their mineral deals with Rwanda. It goes without saying that those minerals, of course, are not ‘originaires’ of Rwanda…! The recent weeks have highlighted that the cause of the Congolese people is less popular with states than one would imagine. Recent months have highlighted how trivial a situation the issue in Congo is deemed for some, at least in comparison to other world events. However, when you consider what is at stake, it becomes less surprising to see why the international community would drag its feet when it comes to supporting Congo. Should the international community choose to support the DRC in its fight against Rwanda and M23, and successfully, this could signal Congo’s end of tolerance for the plunder of its mineral wealth and natural resources. This would adversely affect industries that have been profiting from the decrepit situation in the DRC, particularly for the manufacturing of products such as electric cars and new mobile phones. If we consider the minerals needed to produce mobile phones, this inevitably leads us to the topic of the “3T” minerals: tantalum (coltan), tin, and tungsten; materials so pivotal for modern warfare, weapon systems and new technologies that elites would rather support the illegal acquisition of them, than shed light on the harm inflicted on Congolese people due to high demand of the 3Ts. The untold truth is that a stronger Congo means a strengthened African continent. As Frantz Fanon so beautifully postulated, “Africa is shaped like a gun, and Congo is the trigger”.

If the resurgence of M23 ensures sustained warfare, insecurity, and a turning of the Congolese state’s attention away from development, of course, the likes of some Western states would rather block any light at the end of the tunnel. Apparently, nothing else is new under the sun when it comes to Western states.

This somewhat crippling discourse on the involvement of Western states- or lack thereof- is not borne out of an unsubstantiated disappointment but rather from the realities witnessed in the past few weeks, be it at the UN security council meetings or other forums in which the DRC’s problems, have been discussed. There is always space for criticising states when discussing issues of conflict and international intervention, however, the role of protests and public outrage as central to enlightening people on crises is not to be forgotten in the Congolese crisis.

In recent times, the world has seen lobbies, boycotts, and groups infuriated at countries’ lack of action concerning events in various world regions. These protests often came with rallying calls to stand up for humanity, (because only a human with a conscience would agree that human rights breaches must be fought against) but apparently, when the geographical location of human rights discourse shifts to the Great Lakes region, that same fervor for human life and human rights dwindles, flickers, and eventually is barely seen. The lack of interest in denouncing the crimes committed against the Congolese people is even more shocking when considering the worldwide response and campaign for Ukrainians. The crisis in Ukraine was framed by media and global humanitarian organizations as “an exceptional crisis” with Ukrainians being framed as “vulnerable aid recipients” (Bryant and Hargrave 2024¹). This “exceptional” crisis concerning predominantly Western white people garnered international attention and response. According to the Centre for Disaster and Philanthropy, “the humanitarian situation in Ukraine worsened in August and September 2024” and this saw a worldwide mobilization of efforts to help Ukrainians flee. So, what causes people’s giving hearts and concerned attitudes to cease to exist when the crisis shifts to Congo?

Perhaps one could attribute the lack of widespread outrage to people’s conceptualization of suffering. Note that by people, I speak of mostly Western populations, as I can only speak for the context I am currently in. Whether we choose to accept this or not, the Western world seems to operate according to a hierarchy of global suffering. That is, some people’s suffering seems to take precedence over that of others in terms of urgency and importance. Stijn’s Joye’s article (2011) expounds on this notion of a ‘hierarchy of global suffering’ which draws upon theories of distant suffering to explain the behavior of the media in reporting on foreign natural disasters. Joye’s work sheds light on the othering of the media, which assumes an “us vs. them” paradigm through which international crises are perceived, thus causing many in the Global North to disassociate with suffering that is not familiar or nearby. As such, it can be inferred that this way of perceiving suffering informs people’s attitudes to even the direst of examples. In the Western media, Western suffering is portrayed as being closer to the consumers of media, whereas non-Western crises and suffering, despite their severity, are portrayed as distant. So Congo is too far away to capture people’s attention… but not too far for the industry to reach over and liberally hoover up minerals as is befitting to their will. And what of public outrage?

In an age where many are disconnecting from the corporate media as their source of truthful information and turning to social media, how is it that even social media does not seem to stoke the spirit of justice in people for Congo? Public outrage seems to be limited to people’s associations and interests rather than human rights for all. This is deeply concerning and whilst I cannot provide an answer, though I bear my own assumptions, I and other Congolese people can only plead the cause of our countrymen by appealing to the part of humanity that craves justice for the 48 women who are raped every hour in Congo, for the children forced to go down into dangerous mines, and for the Congolese population ignored by the ‘educated’people of this world. People in our society claim to be supporters of the oppressed and yet remain silent when the slaughter of millions over time continues to go unspoken.

What of solutions then? Fanon highlights that "the fate of all of us is at stake in the Congo," and this must cause us to question what good can arise for the world if Congo is dying. Though an appeal to Western readers seems to be the focus, it goes without saying that everyone should be pleading Congo’s cause to whomever will listen. It is a problem requiring the whole world’s attention. Taking time to reflect on one’s stance concerning injustice would and should drive people to take action of their own will. How this manifests itself is dependent upon each one’s capacity; however, this same compromise cannot and should not be afforded to states and institutions that have the jurisdiction or power to help in some way.

Written by Ketsia Kassongo

Reference:

1.https://odi.org/en/publications/narratives-and-the-ukraine-response-implications-for-humanitarian-action-and-principles/ Accessed 17 Jan 2025.

1^ https://odi.org/en/publications/narratives-and-the-ukraine-response-implications-for-humanitarian-action-and-principles/ Accessed 17 Jan 2025.

An operation was launched by the ICRC on Wednesday April 30, 2025 to ensure the departure of the first convoys of FARDC soldiers and Congolese police officers stationed at the MONUSCO base in Goma, bound for Kinshasa.

"On April 30, 2025, the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), acting as a neutral intermediary, is accompanying a series of convoys carrying several hundred disarmed members of the DRC Armed Forces (FARDC) and Congolese National Police (PNC), as well as their families, from Goma to Kinshasa," said the ICRC in an official statement.

These soldiers and policemen took refuge in MONUSCO bases after the M23 took Goma at the end of January with the support of the Rwandan army.

"We thank the ICRC for its decisive role as a neutral intermediary in facilitating the implementation of this complex operation with the agreement of all the players concerned", said Bruno Lemarquis, Deputy Special Representative of the Secretary-General in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and acting head of MONUSCO.

The Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo express their deep gratitude to MONUSCO in a press release. This is "for the work carried out by its field teams to protect members of the FARDC and the PNC in this difficult and tense context, in accordance with the mandate entrusted to it by the United Nations Security Council", says the statement from the Congolese army.

The ICRC hopes that the parties involved will secure this operation. "Under the terms of the agreement reached with the ICRC, the actors involved have undertaken to ensure the safety of the people taking part in the convoys and to work towards the success of the operation. The ICRC has also ensured that all persons have consented to be included in this transport."

This operation will continue throughout the month of May, say sources.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the AFC/M23 rebels have announced, in a joint declaration, their commitment to an immediate ceasefire, following talks mediated by Qatar.

After around three weeks of negotiations, the two parties agreed to sign a joint declaration to give progress a chance at the talks which began in Doha, Qatar.  Two communiqués with the same content were signed separately by the Government in Kinshasa and the AFC/M23 in Goma on April 23, 2025.

The two parties agreed to work towards the conclusion of a truce that would allow the establishment of an effective ceasefire. They reaffirmed their commitment to an immediate cessation of hostilities.

The joint communiqué states that respect for these commitments by both parties will pave the way for a constructive dialogue to restore lasting peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the region. "This dialogue will address the root causes of the current crisis, as well as the modalities for putting an end to the conflict in the eastern territories of the DRC", says the communiqué.

"These commitments will also be respected by both parties throughout the duration of the talks until their conclusion," agreed the Kinshasa and AFC/M23 authorities.

The Qatari mediation welcomed this significant breakthrough in the negotiations. Having succeeded in bringing together Félix Tshisekedi and Paul Kagame, presidents of the DRC and Rwanda respectively, the kingdom is delighted. "We are pleased to note the collaborative efforts and this joint declaration between the Democratic Republic of Congo and the M23," wrote Majed Al Ansari, Prime Minister of Qatar.

Doha's first agreement with Qatar will be put to the same test as the other processes that have attempted to reconcile Kinshasa, Kigali and the M23. Respect for this immediate ceasefire will be one of the first barometers of this dialogue, as in the recent past ceasefires have been declared unilaterally or collectively, but clashes have continued on the ground.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

On Friday April 25, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Rwanda signed a "declaration of principles" for an agreement to promote peace and economic development in the Great Lakes region, while putting an end to the conflict ravaging eastern DRC.

Signed by Congolese Foreign Minister Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner and her Rwandan counterpart Olivier Nduhungirehe, in the presence of US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, the declaration joins other peace mechanisms.

The two countries have committed themselves to a number of principles, including recognition of each other's territorial integrity and borders - a victory for Kinshasa, which accuses Rwanda of trying to balkanize the DRC. "The Participants mutually acknowledge each other’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and commit to a pathway to resolve their disputes by peaceful means grounded in diplomacy and negotiation rather than hostile force or rhetoric" can we read in the declaration.

Added to this is the need to limit the proliferation of non-state armed groups and the voluntary return of refugees and thousands of internally displaced persons, while also recognizing the role of Monusco.

"The Declaration of Principles that the Foreign Ministers of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda signed today in our nation’s capital paves the way for peace, stability, and prosperity in the region. The Declaration will help protect our strategic interest in critical minerals to grow our tech sector and bring sorely needed peace and stability to the region" said Marco Rubio.

Kinshasa and Kigali agree to "create a preliminary draft peace agreement" by May 2.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

Troops from the military mission of the Economic Community of Southern African States have been ordered to withdraw from the town of Goma. The latest news is that they will be going via Rwanda, the country whose troops they fought on Congolese territory.

Initially a deterrent force against armed groups including the M23

The resurgent M23 rebel movement seized swathes of territory, and neither the United Nations peacekeeping mission nor the East African regional force could help the FARDC stop their advance.

In December 2023, Congo said SADC troops were mandated "to support the Congolese army in fighting and eradicating the M23 and other armed groups that continue to disrupt peace and security."

Troops from South Africa, Tanzania and Malawi started deploying in Sake and surrounding areas near Goma in December 2023. But they watched the Rwandan-backed rebels take Goma without stopping them. After the fall of the city of Bukavu, the hope of liberation faded. Since then, they have lived under M23 surveillance, with every exit escorted by the M23 and carrying a white flag. In March, SADC soldiers, particularly South Africans, expressed their refusal to leave Congolese territory via the Rwandan border, according to diplomatic sources.

A sombre departure

After the city of Goma fell into the hands of the M23 at the end of January, the SAMIRDC troops attempted to leave the city by the front door. First, the SADC heads of state and government decided to withdraw their troops from the DRC. Then an agreement between this force and the M23, which was supposed to support the viability of Goma airport so that they could leave with their military effects by air.

But after the M23 ultimatum calling for troops to leave the territories under its control as soon as possible since April 13, pressure is mounting on this force. The M23 want the SADC troops to leave quickly. The rebellion, which controls their every move, accuses them of supporting an attack to take the town of Goma. SADC categorically denies this.

Finally, "the troops of the @SADC_News Mission (#SAMIDRC) will leave #Goma by road via #Rwanda in order to assemble in #Chato in #Tanzania, where each contributing country (#Malawi, South Africa and #Tanzania) will collect its elements", says journalist Fiston Mahamba on his Twitter account. Several other SADC sources confirmed this information anonymously. The troops must leave as soon as possible to avoid any uninitiated clashes.

But the big question is whether they will really go through Rwanda, given that the training mercenaries left the town filmed, unarmed, with their hands on their heads and in line. These images are unbearable for the Tanzanian and South African armies, which are among the top five in Africa.

Wait and see.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

The impacts of Cobalt mining in the Congo

Congo is the home of 70 percent of the world reserve for Congo. Mining Cobalt damages the region due to air pollution, water contamination, health risks, deforestation & habitat destruction, and human rights violations. While some may say that cobalt is necessary for the global transition to clean energy, Cobalt is essential for the batteries that power EVs and store renewable energy. Cobalt also comes with other costs, which are air pollution, water contamination, health risks, deforestation & habitat destruction, and Human Rights Violations. While Cobalt can help reduce carbon emissions on a global scale, it does have the strength to worsen climate injustice for the Congolese people and environment.

1. Air Pollution Risk:

The risk includes short-term effects such as itchy eyes, nose & throat, and upper respiratory. This comes from the mining machinery and the dust released from the extraction and crushing of ore. Another set of risks in the long-term effects are increased lung cancer, cardiovascular disease, and the development of allergies.

2. Water contamination:

The mining activities in the Congo can lead to water contamination in nearby communities. For instance, the fish in the Tshangalale Lake were found to be contaminated by the mining that occurred in the Congo. This occurred because of uranium and lead found in the water that went through acidic drainage and tailings. This combination made it a toxic contamination that posed a threat to aquatic life and humans who used the water sources for cooking, drinking, and farming.

3. Health Risk:

The pollution caused by cobalt mining has caused severe health risks for the people living near the mining sites. These risks are birth defects, skin diseases, and respiratory problems. Many citizens in the community tested positive for high levels of cobalt and other toxic metals in their blood. These exposures can lead to neurological damage and a heightened risk of cancer. Moreover, people who work in the mines in Congo face health hazards due to direct contact with toxins due to the lack of protective gear.

4. Deforestation & Habitat Destruction:

Mining cobalt has contributed to the deforestation in the Congo. Congo’s rainforest has been described as the “ Lungs of Africa” due to its annual net carbon dioxide, which is six times greater than the Amazon forest, and it is key to defeating climate change. Mining clears the forest and causes a reduction of biodiversity but also disturbs the balance between. The region’s climate experienced the destruction of natural habitat with the endangerment of countless species. The animals endangered were forest elephants, okapis, bonobos, etc. Deforestation also contributed to the carbon sink and absorption of large amounts of CO2. This causes high levels of climate change effects.

5. Human Rights Violations:

Human rights abuses are primary in the cobalt mining industry, in which approximately 40,000 children work in hazardous conditions. Many of the minors are children who experience uncomfortable conditions and little to no pay. They are forced to work in dangerous tunnels without the appropriate safety equipment. Despite this, the miners frequently experienced injuries and toxic exposure. Other reports stated that forced labour and exploitative practices by multinational corporations had sourced cobalt for the mines. In addition, communities are often displaced to make mining projects on the land. This leads to increased poverty and loss of community.

Conclusion

In conclusion, Cobalt is essential in modern technology but also the reason for increased health risks, exploitation of the Congolese, and increased climate change effects happening in the region. To solve the issue, stronger regulations of the environment are needed, corporate responsibility is needed, and labor protections are needed as well. Ensuring human lives and reducing ecological destruction are essential to our society. But beyond preventable measures, reparations must also be considered for individuals and communities affected by the harm. In addition to empowering the Indigenous community, grassroots organizations like the Basandja Coalition are essential. The organization contains knowledge of land and forest practices and knows the solutions for a sustainable solution. Moving forward, protecting human lives and aiming for a sustainable future should be our goals.

Written by Victoria Webb

Women activists in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) play a crucial role in shaping human rights in the Congo. As healers, advocates, and peacebuilders, they are essential in demanding justice and supporting those who are affected by conflict and violence. Figures like Julienne Lusenge, Adeline Nsimire Balika, Neema Namadamu, Andrée Blouin, and Mama Justine all embody these qualities. These women reveal that personal struggle can fuel systematic change. They prove that activism doesn't require perfect conditions but only courage and community. They inspire women across the globe to challenge violence by using grassroots and digital media to advocate for their political strategy.

Julienne Lusenge

Julienne Lusenge advocates against sexual violence in the DRC. In 2000, she founded the SOFEPADI, which stands for the Female Solidarity for Integrated Peace and Development. This organization supports survivors of sexual violence in the DRC by providing medical, legal, and psychological assistance. Within her advocacy, she argues on behalf of survivors by going to Congolese and international courts. She founded another organization in 2007 called FFC, which stands for Fund for Congolese Women. She received three awards, which were the International Women of Courage Award (2021), the Aurora Prize for Awakening Humanity (2021), and the Civil Courage Prize (2018). The International Women of Courage Award (2021) was awarded by the U.S. State Department for her activism. The Aurora Prize for Awakening Humanity (2021) was awarded to her for her extraordinary efforts in defending human rights. The Civil Courage Prize (2018) was awarded to her for her work advocating for survivors of sexual violence.

Website: https://www.sofepadirdc.org

Adeline Nsimire Balika

Adeline Nsimire founded SAMWAKI, Sauti ya Mwanamke Kijijini, in 2000. The organization's name means “A voice to rural women” in Swahili. This organization empowers and educates women by using community radio programs to teach them topics from health to agriculture. In January 2008, SAMWAKI launched a radio station called Radio Busua FM to uplift the voices of rural women. The station talks about issues regarding gender equality, development issues, and objectives to provide them with a space for women to talk about their experiences with violence.

Neema Namadamu

When Neema Namadamu was two, she contracted polio and faced stigma due to her disability. This experience led her to pursue a career as a disability rights activist. As the founder of Maman Shujaa, which translates to Hero Women, she helps empower Congolese women by fostering media training and literacy. She is an advocate for women in the media and peacebuilding. Her grassroots movement gained international attention, and she created a petition that asked the United States to appoint an envoy to help stop violence against the Congolese. She gathered 100,000 signatures. What was once a woman’s local intuition to talk about the struggles in her company became a globally recognized movement.

Website: https://www.herowomenrising.org/our-approach

Andrée Blouin

In her early life, Andrée Blouin was born to a French father and a Banziri mother. She was sent to a Catholic orphanage at a young age because of colonial race policies that separated mixed-race children from their African families. She left the orphanage at the age of 17, and her experience marked a pivotal point in her activism as a mixed-race woman in the world. In her adult years, she was a close advisor to Patrice Lumumba, who was the first prime minister of the now-independent Congo. In addition, she published an autobiography in 1983 called “My Country, Africa: Autobiography of the Black Pasionaria ” which talks about colonial oppression and gender inequality.
Blouin helped mobilize women across the continent, building networks of political solidarity. She was part of Pan-African women’s organizations that connected struggles from Congo to Guinea to Ghana, placing African women in the limelight of liberation movements.

Mama Justine

In 2002, Mama Justine co-founded Synergie des Femmes pour les Victimes des Violences Sexuelles (SFVS), which is a network that supports women and girls who are survivors of sexual assault. In 2007, she survived a brutal attack by soldiers in her home; however, even while going through this moment, she still used her activism to advocate for justice. In 2012, Mama Justine called for the arrest of Bosco Ntaganda, a rebel leader of Joseph Kony’s ilk. In 2015 he was on trial in the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague, accused of war crimes on 13 counts which included sex slavery and was found guilty in 2019 for found guilty, beyond reasonable doubt, of 18 counts of war crimes and crimes against humanity, committed in Ituri, DRC, in 2002-2003. In addition to Mama Justine’s legal advocacy, she is a community organizer who worries about helping survivors rebuild their lives and supporting their economic independence.

Website: https://frontlinewomensfund.org/sfvs/

Conclusion:

These five women represent the resilience Congo has. They show what it means to transform the world through activism. They achieved their goals by media, law, healing, and organizing. Their legacies help women around the world rise as political leaders. The future of Africa depends not only on peace and justice but the recognition of its leadership led by women.

Written by Victoria Webb

Columns of Wazalendo fighters have been deployed since the early hours of Saturday morning in the localities of Kavumu and Kabamba, in the Kabare territory (South Kivu, eastern DRC), without any clashes being reported, according to concordant local sources. On Sunday, a viral video filmed locally showed Wazalendo marching towards Kavumu airport.
A reinforcement of the M23 from Bukavu via the lake to recapture the airport and the town of Kavumu.
"Calm reigns again in Kavumu, several bodies of civilians are visible, the airport is once again occupied by M23 elements after the withdrawal of the Wazalendo," says a journalist.

For the time being, a relative lull has been observed in Kavumu-Centre, now under rebel control. The Wazalendo, who say they are determined to reconquer the town, have retreated to the outskirts of the Kahuzi-Biega national park, according to several local witnesses.

At least 7 people died in the clashes. Five civilians have been formally identified by the villagers of the town. Civil society condemns the fighting in the middle of the town, which only aggravates an already fragile security climate in this part of South Kivu, which has become the scene of recurring clashes since the M23-AFC took Bukavu.

Kavumu has become the epicenter of the clashes, as it gives access to the Kahuzi Biega Park, where the Wazalendo and M23 soldiers can retreat.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

In a press release published on Monday April 7, the spokeswoman for the President of the Republic, Tina Salama, announced that the DRC was suspending until further notice all lobbying contracts, approaches or proposals made or entered into between it and American entities, firms or practices specializing in this field. While this is seen as good news, questions persist in Kinshasa about these funds and the relevance of the steps taken.

"In view of the mutually expressed desire to relaunch strategic partnerships between the two administrations, the DRC's approach is to give priority to direct exchanges with the new American administration, through official and authorized channels", writes the Congolese presidency. Consequently," adds the press release, "the presidency is suspending, without delay, until further notice, all lobbying contracts, approaches and proposals concluded or made between it and American entities, firms or firms specializing in this field, in particular the contract with Earhart Turner LLC."

In recent years, the DRC has tried everything to push its interests in Washington.
From the arrival of Ronny Jackson as "Special Envoy of U.S. President Donald Trump and member of the U.S. Congress", according to the Congolese Presidency, to the many different lobbying firms hired for the same cause, to the Congolese delegations that have travelled between New York and Washington to bring to fruition a Congolese government proposal for security support in exchange for the strategic minerals that the DRC abounds in.

For the Honorable Jean Bamanisa Saidi, this multiplicity of approaches "does not seem to bring effective and efficient results, whereas the Democratic Republic of Congo has the opportunity and the advantage to sit down and discuss its future with the world's major powers, major technical companies and the best financial partners in order to obtain substantial funds, but, because of the multiplicity of players, is unable to capitalize on them for the benefit of the country", he warned.

Jean Bamanisa Saidi is a former governor of Orientale province between 2012 and 2015, then of Ituri province between 2019 and 2021. Since 2022, he has been a member of the Senate, and is one of the Congolese political players to take an interest in the DRC's international relations in his speeches.

"It's imperative to change paradigms in this direction, with contributions from all the country's structures. The latter must be prepared, with the possibility of negotiating natural resource contracts for the benefit of the various areas of national life targeted by these contracts, according to the priorities of security, infrastructure, education, health, administration, roads and urban drainage networks and others, depending on the interests of these countries and those of DR Congo" suggests Jean Bamanisa Saidi.

For a time, Kinshasa charmed the new administration in Washington. With the proposal of access to strategic minerals such as Coltan, cassiterite, lithium and other raw materials useful for the automotive and telecommunications industries, the Tshisekedi government wants to trade the deal in Rwanda's war against the DRC by supporting the M23 militarily and technically. Mossad Boulos, President Donald Trump's Africa advisor, arrived in the DRC at the end of March, where he discussed this proposal with Félix Tshisekedi. Kinshasa was optimistic the day after the meeting. This would have prompted Kinshasa to focus its efforts on direct exchanges on this plan.

Wait and see

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

Flooding has hit several southern and western parts of Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo. According to concordant sources, several dozen people were killed.

First, the flooding of the Ndjili river in Kinshasa following heavy rains blocked traffic between Tshangu and the city center. Several families have spent the night outside since Saturday night. Several families are asking for help from the state.

The road linking Kinshasa to the port city of Matadi is cut off. After the floods, this main supply route to the capital is virtually cut off at the Kasangulu township. This is an important road, as more than 15 million inhabitants of Kinshasa depend on it to transport goods of all kinds. Faced with the risk of damaging the economy, the head of government has ordered emergency work to reopen the road. The Prime Minister's Office also reported significant human and material damage, without giving any figures as an initial assessment. Local sources provisionally put the death toll at over 30. The toll is set to rise as several families are still on the water, waiting in vain for help. Other victims are still under the rubble of houses that have leaked away, according to a local chief.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma