Whither The Women of the Congo

Beyond any doubt the women of the Congo have been the primary victims of the instability and conflict that the country has experienced for the past 15 years. Congolese women have been striving to overcome remarkable hardships and tremendous suffering. Probably more than any sector of the Congolese society, the women seek fundamental a radical change. However, as we embark upon the November 28th elections, women appear to have been sidelined. Unlike 2006, no women are represented among the 11 candidates. Overall, there is a 20% drop in the participation of female candidates and a 12% drop in the female electorate.

Although, there has been a decrease in the participation of women in the elections, this does not mean that women are absent from the effort to assure a peaceful and fair election. On October 18th, the women of the Great Lakes Sub-Region issued a declaration that called for preventive diplomacy with the objective of realizing durable peace and security before, during and after the elections.

The women representing Burundi, Rwanda, Uganda and Congo called on the Congolese government to pay special attention to the role of women in the electoral process. Regarding the international community, they requested the establishment of an election monitoring system in the subregion as well as support for women in the electoral process.

Read more about elections!

UK MP Eric Joyce Says Congo Loses $5.5 Billion Due to Shady Deals

Bloomberg news has reported that Congolese President in cahoots with Israeli businessman Dan Gertler have fleeced the Congolese people of $5.5 billion.

“Elements of the DRC government, in particular the current president, Joseph Kabila, have sold vast mining assets at knock-down prices to various offshore ‘shell’ companies,” Joyce said,citing documents in his possession.

State-owned Congolese copper and cobalt miner Gecamines sold its 20 percent stake in Glencore-operated Mutanda Mining Sprl to Rowny Assets Ltd., an entity “associated” with Israeli mining investor Dan Gertler, according to Glencore’s May prospectus. Biko Invest Corp., another Gertler-linked entity, bought a quarter of neighboring Kansuki Sprl, it said.

Gecamines said it received $137 million for the two stakes, while Mutanda alone may be worth more than $800 million, according to calculations using a valuation conducted by consulting firm Golder Associates in Glencore’s prospectus.

Click here to read press release from British MP Eric Joyce!

Etienne Tshisekedi Shares His Platform

Leading opposition figure, Etienne Tshisekedi of the UDPS vowed that he would respect the election results or the will of the people provided that the process is free, transparent and equal.

He reiterated that the only way to ascend to power in the Congo is through elections. The democracy that he and his party have fought for over the last 30 years does not support another way of acquiring to power

Tshisekedi laid out his SEVEN point program as follows:
1. Free education for primary, secondary and university students
2. Free health care for citizens over the age of 50
3. Access to water and electricity
4. Building of roads
5. Relaunching of Agriculture
6. Tackle unemployment
7. Fight against corruption

Click here to read more about the elections.

Congo Elections: Voices of the People

Between scholars, artists, pastors and politicians who actually determines the leading power in the DRC? Pandisha bendera is a powerful reflection on the implications of clashing social factions in the process of negotiating 'democratic' elections...

Congo Week IV, October 16 – 22, Join The Global Movement

Dear Friends,

I greet you in the name of the Congolese youth who feel the wind of change in Africa that blew from the youth revolution in Soweto in 1976 in the South to the streets of Cairo this year in the North of the African continent.

As we embark upon the fourth annual Breaking The Silence: Congo Week, October 16 – 22, 2011, I wanted bring you up-to-date on the global movement in support of the Congo.

Congo Week continues to grow both inside and outside of the Congo as people throughout the globe utilize Congo Week to articulate the challenges and potential that exist in the heart of Africa. Since we launched Congo Week in October 2008, over 60 countries and 300 university campuses and communities have joined us in the global call for justice for the people of Congo. Over 200 Congolese organizations reiterated the global appeal for justice, accountability and an end to the impunity by calling for international action on the recommendations of the United Nations Mapping Exercise Report.

Your role in Breaking the Silence by demanding justice for the people is making a difference. More people are becoming informed, educated and engaged. Your actions, no matter how small, are strengthening the resolve of the youth and others inside the Congo who are waging a courageous fight, day and night to bring about peace, stability and human dignity. Knowing that they have the support of people of goodwill throughout the globe makes a tremendous difference.

The key teaching tool for Congo Week IV is Friends of the Congo's short documentary, "Crisis in the Congo: Uncovering the Truth." Since its launch over 100,000 people have viewed the film on YouTube and over 1,000 people have downloaded it to view or screen in their homes and communities. Youth throughout the Congo are using the film as a teaching tool during Congo Week; we encourage you to do the same by downloading the film here: http://congojustice.org

The youth of the Congo who represent the majority of the people are encouraging you to continue to support our fight for justice and human dignity. In the past year, youth groups we support have made great strides in strengthening their capacity in their quest to bring about peace and stability in the Congo. We encourage you to participate in our special contest to support the youth of the Congo and their pursuit for social change. http://congoweek.org/congo-week-fundraiser.html

Key Organizers in Japan, Australia, France, Kenya, South Africa, Brazil, Ireland, Italy, United Kingdom, Canada, The United States and many other countries are joining with our partners inside the Congo to call for justice for the people. Organize or participate in an event or activity for Congo Week on your university campus, in your home, religious institution, community center or any other venue in your community. Should you be in New York during Congo Week, join us for Congo in Harlem – a week of film screenings, performances, panel discussions, exhibitions, tributes and special events highlighting Congolese cultures and its people’s contribution to the global community. http://congoinharlem.org

This is an historic opportunity for you to be a part of the global movement to bring an end to what is the greatest humanitarian crisis at the dawn of the 21st century and the deadliest conflict since World War Two. Seize the moment and become a part of a noble pursuit for justice and human dignity in the heart of Africa, my home, the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Kambale Musavuli
Student Coordinator
Friends of the Congo

Remember to post your event on the events calendar:
http://congoweek.org/component/events/

Share the Congo Week promotional video:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=a0AWeWvMkHk

Sign-up for Congo Week!
http://congoweek.org/participation-form.html

Download Congo Week Organizers Tool Kit and Materials:
http://congoweek.org/downloads.html

Support the Congo Week Benefit Concert:
http://www.congoweek.org/congo-week-benefit-concert.html

Participate in the CELL-OUT, on October 21, 2011. The CELL-OUT is a digital moment of silence for the people of the Congo and the usage of our cell phones to mobilize support for the people in their pursuit for social change.
http://congoweek.org/the-cell-out.html

Advocacy in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Stakeholders Conference

October 5th and 6th, 2011
9:30-11:30 am

Day one: How the Story of Congo Gets Told
Rome Auditorium, Rome Building 1619 Massachusetts Ave
Panel Discussion: 9:30-11:30am

In the past several years, voices from the United States have dominated the conversation on the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), creating a tension between the complex situations on the ground in the DRC and the simple messaging that works for advocacy movements in support of the DRC in the US. Additionally, there are questions about who is a legitimate voice in Washington, DC on the behalf of the Congolese. Financial and language barriers often prevent Congolese citizens from speaking on their own behalf in Washington, although members of the Diaspora, US based advocacy organizations, academics, and NGOs attempt to fill this void with their own expertise and opinions. Often these opinions do not fully convey the divergent and complicated feelings of the large and multifaceted population of the DRC. As the DRC is discussed in sound bites, a few dominant narratives emerge. How does the narrative of the Congo get told in Washington? Who gets to speak for Congo?

Speakers:
Laura Seay, Morehouse University and Texasinafrica
Mvemba Dizolele, Stanford University
John Prendergast, The Enough Project (invited)
Kambale Musavuli, Friends of Congo

Register here:


Day two: Advocacy and the Way Forward
Kenny Auditorium, Nitze Building, 1740 Massachusetts Ave
Panel Discussion: 9:30-11:30am

The DRC presents a complex situation with as many angles as there are stakeholders. In the absence of Congolese voices, stories of the DRC are told by advocacy organizations, NGOs, academics, and the Diaspora. These stories cannot represent the whole, multifaceted reality on the ground, yet they are the basis on which policy makers must rely when deciding on priorities and legislation. Perspectives on the DRC, as they are seen in Washington have had numerous effects in the DRC, both good and bad. Controversial legislation on conflict minerals in Eastern Congo has been said to make living conditions for many people worse while others insist that it has improved the situation for most. The constant focus on rape as a weapon of war in Eastern Congo has dramatically increased services available to survivors but has perverted incentives and prevented women from receiving holistic care. The overall focus on the East has done a great deal to make the DRC into a policy priority, but ignored the failures of Congolese governance that are the root of many of the DRC’s problems. What is the way forward? How can advocacy organizations and all stakeholders work for the best outcomes and avoid unintended negative consequences? Should there be a “Do no harm” policy for advocates on behalf of the DRC?

Speakers:
Adotei Akwei, Amnesty International
Rick Goss, Information Technology Industry Council (ITIC)
Eric Kajemba, Observatoire Gouvernance et Paix (OGP)
Claudine Tsongo, Dynamique de Femmes Juristes

SHOCKING:CONFESSION OF DOWNING OF HABYARIMANA’S PLANE

By Theogene Rudasingwa

On August 4, 1993, in Arusha, Tanzania, the Government of Rwanda and the Rwandese Patriotic Front signed the Arusha Peace Agreement. The provisions of the agreement included a commitment to principles of the rule of law, democracy, national unity, pluralism, the respect of fundamental freedoms and the rights of the individual. The agreement further had provisions on power-sharing, formation of one and singles National Army and a new National Gendarmerie from forces of the two warring parties; and a definitive solution to the problem of Rwandan refugees.

On April 6, 1994, at 8:25 p.m., the Falcon 50 jet of the President of the Republic of Rwanda, registration number “9XR-NN”, on its return from a summit meeting in DAR-ES-SALAAM,Tanzania, as it was on approach to Kanombe International Airport in KIGALI, Rwanda, was shot down. All on board, including President Juvenal Habyarimana , President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, their entire entourage and flight crew died.

The death of President Juvenal Habyarimana triggered the start of genocide that targeted Tutsi and Hutu moderates, and the resumption of civil war between RPF and the Government of Rwanda. The RPF’s sad and false narrative from that time on has been that Hutu extremists within President Habyarimana’s camp shot down the plane to derail the implementation of the Arusha Peace Agreement and to find a pretext to start the genocide in which over 800,000 Rwandans died in just 100 days. This narrative has become a predominant one in some international circles, among scholars, and in some human rights organizations.

The truth must now be told. Paul Kagame, then overall commander of the Rwandese Patriotic Army, the armed wing of the Rwandese Patriotic Front, was personally responsible for the shooting down of the plane. In July, 1994, Paul Kagame himself, with characteristic callousness and much glee, told me that he was responsible for shooting down the plane. Despite public denials, the fact of Kagame’s culpability in this crime is also a public “secret” within RPF and RDF circles. Like many others in the RPF leadership, I enthusiastically sold this deceptive story line, especially to foreigners who by and large came to believe it, even when I knew that Kagame was the culprit in this crime.

The political and social atmosphere during the period from the signing of the Arusha Accords in August 1993 was highly explosive, and the nation was on edge. By killing President Habyarimana, Paul Kagame introduced a wild card in an already fragile ceasefire and dangerous situation. This created a powerful trigger, escalating to a tipping point towards resumption of the civil war, genocide, and the region-wide destabilization that has devastated the Great Lakes region since then.

Paul Kagame has to be immediately brought to account for this crime and its consequences. First, there is absolutely nothing honorable or heroic in reaching an agreement for peace with a partner, and then stabbing him in the back. Kagame and Habyarimana did not meet on the battlefield on April 6, 1994. If they had, and one of them or both had died, it would have been tragic, but understandable, as a product of the logic of war. President Habyarimana was returning from a peace summit, and by killing him, Kagame demonstrated the highest form of treachery. Second, Kagame, a Tutsi himself, callously gambled away the lives of innocent Tutsi and moderate Hutu who perished in the genocide. While the killing of President Habyarimana, a Hutu, was not a direct cause of the genocide, it provided a powerful motivation and trigger to those who organized, mobilized and executed the genocide against Tutsi and Hutu moderates. Third, by killing President Habyarimana, Kagame permanently derailed the already fragile Arusha peace process in a dangerous pursuit of absolute power in Rwanda. Kagame feared the letter and spirit of the Arusha Peace Agreement. As the subsequent turn of events has now shown, Kagame does not believe in the unity of Rwandans, democracy, respect of human rights and other fundamental freedoms, the rule of law, power sharing, integrated and accountable security institutions with a national character, and resolving the problem of refugees once and for all. This is what the Arusha Peace Agreement was all about. That is what is lacking in Rwanda today. Last, but not least, Kagame’s and RPF’s false narrative, denials, and deceptions have led to partial justice in Rwanda and at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, thereby undermining prospects for justice for all Rwandan people, reconciliation and healing. The international community has, knowingly or unknowingly, become an accomplice in Kagame’s systematic and shameful game of deception.

I was never party to the conspiracy to commit this heinous crime. In fact, I first heard about it on BBC around 1:00 am on April 7, 1994, while I was in Kampala where I had been attending the Pan African Movement conference.

I believe the majority of members of RPF and RPA civilians and combatants, like me, were not party to this murderous conspiracy that was hatched and organized by Paul Kagame and executed on his orders. Nevertheless, I was a Secretary General of the RPF, and a Major in the rebel army, RPA. It is in this regard, within the context of collective responsibility, and a spirit of truth-telling in search of forgiveness and healing, that I would like to say I am deeply sorry about this loss of life, and to ask for forgiveness from the families of Juvenal Habyarimana, Cyprien Ntaryamira, Deogratias Nsabimana, Elie Sagatwa, Thaddee Bagaragaza, Emmanuel Akingeneye, Bernard Ciza, Cyriaque Simbizi, Jacky Heraud, Jean-Pierre Minaberry, and Jean-Michel Perrine. I also ask for forgiveness from all Rwandan people, in the hope that we must unanimously and categorically reject murder, treachery, lies and conspiracy as political weapons, eradicate impunity once and for all, and work together to build a culture of truth-telling, forgiveness, healing, and the rule of law. I ask for forgiveness from the people of Burundi and France whose leaders and citizens were killed in this crime. Above all, I ask for forgiveness from God for having lied and concealed evil for too long.

In freely telling the truth before God and the Rwandan people, I fully understand the risk I have undertaken, given Paul Kagame’s legendary vindictiveness and unquenchable thirst for spilling the blood of Rwandans. It is a shared risk that Rwandans bear daily in their quest for freedom and justice for all. Neither power and fame, nor gold and silver, are the motivation for me in these matters of death that have defined our nation for too long. Truth cannot wait for tomorrow, because the Rwandan nation is very sick and divided, and cannot rebuild and heal on lies. All Rwandans urgently need truth today. Our individual and collective search for truth will set us free. When we are free, we can freely forgive each other and begin to live fully and heal at last.

Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa Is a former RPF Secretary General, Ambassador of Rwanda to the United States, and Chief of Staff for President Paul Kagame.

Anatomy of the Looting of the Congo

Are you still wondering how Congo is looted and who the biggest criminals are? Gecamines sold its 20 percent share of the Mutanda copper and cobalt project earlier this year for $137 million, according to its submission to the IMF. The stake was bought by Rowny Assets Ltd., a British Virgin Islands-registered entity “associated” with Gertler, according to the Glencore prospectus. Read entire article here: http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-09-28/imf-asks-congo-for-explanation-on-state-mining-assets-sale.html

Seeing No Evil in the Congo

The United States and its allies, Rwanda and Uganda, have played a significant role in the greatest humanitarian crisis at the dawn of the 21st century.

Do you have a smart phone? A laptop? Then you play a role in the violence that occurs in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Cell phones, laptops, and other electronics don't work very well without the mineral coltan. In the Democratic Republic of Congo poor farmers are gathered by armed gangs and enslaved to dig coltan out of the ground.

On June 30, the Institute's Foreign Policy In Focus project, Friends of The Congo, Congo Global Action, and Africa Faith & Justice Network co-sponsored a screening of Crisis in the Congo: Uncovering the Truth at the Reeves Center in downtown Washington. As the crowd of over 100 people gathered in the conference room there was excitement about the film as well as chatter about becoming a “friend of the Congo.”

The film explores U.S. influence on the humanitarian crisis in Congo and argues that U.S. actions and the lack thereof have fueled violence and the exploitation of natural resources there. While Congo has experienced turmoil for over 100 years, violence significantly increased after it gained independence from Belgium in 1960. Congo’s first Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba, dreamed of democracy as well as total emancipation for his country. However, this has proven to be a dream deferred indefinitely as western powers systematically support the nation's destabilization. In 1961, the United States and Belgium conspired to assassinate Lumumba because he refused to conform to western ideals.

After the assassination, the United States supported Congolese dictator Mobutu a corrupt leader who committed numerous human rights violations. Washington ultimately discontinued its support for him but has continued to sponsor other Congolese dictatorships that exploit citizens.

Furthermore, the United States and United Nations have failed to respond to attacks by Ugandanand Rwandan troops on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Rival war lords such as James Kabarebe of Rwanda and James Kazini of Uganda frequently raid Congo, rape the women, massacre entire communities, and help themselves to the country’s natural resources. In the war in Congo, 6 million people have been killed. No action is taken to investigate and penalize offenders.

According to Congolese human rights activist Kambale Musavuli, President Barack Obama understands that it is imperative to help Congo. As a senator, Obama wrote a comprehensive law, the Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act of 2006 (pdf), to support Congo. Section 105 of this legislation states, “The Secretary of State is authorized to withhold assistance made available under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, other than humanitarian, peacekeeping, and counterterrorism assistance, for a foreign country if the Secretary determines that the government of the foreign country is taking actions to destabilize the Democratic Republic of the Congo.” However, the U.S. continues to support Rwanda and Uganda despite clear evidence of their attacks on the Congolese.

The film includes footage of a speech President Obama delivered two years ago in Ghana, in which he said: “Africa needs strong institutions, not strong men.” How true. That's why the U.S. government must stop ignoring corruption and supporting war lords.

Timeka Smith is an intern at the Institute for Policy Studies.