Dr. Shomari Harper (January 5, 1959 - September 17, 2022

In keeping with his strong sense of community, Dr. Harper also served as the Coordinator of the Health Ministry and Kijana, the Young Men’s Rights of Passage program, at First Afrikan Presbyterian Church. He was an active member of several Pan-African community organizations including National Black United Front, Organization of United African Peoples, Organization of African Unity, National Action Network, Friends of the Congo and the Pan-African Federalist Movement, at which he held the position of Research and Strategy Commissioner for North America. He maintained a special interest in Environmental Health and carried on the legacy of strong environmental advocacy for environmental justice that he and his late wife cultivated together. Dr. Harper became a devoted member of Citizens for a Healthy and Safe Environment (CHASE) in 2009. He often spoke at county commission meetings, city council meetings, protests and rallies educating the community about the adverse health impacts of hazardous waste and toxic chemicals. He was elected to the position of Vice-President of CHASE on August 12, 2022.

Darren Shomari was a dedicated husband, father, brother and grandfather, a loyal and devoted friend and a strong advocate for causes that support the Black community and the African diaspora. Being an example of a strong Black family unit was one of his lifelong passions. He was a strong supporter of his late wife especially throughout the latter part of her life. He was charismatic, jovial and a strong supporter of all who knew him. He had a way of making all in the community feel welcome and valued.

Dr. Harper was preceded in death by his wife Janice Teheera Nichols Harper, his father Leroy Harper and his parents-in-law Rufus and Janet Nichols. He leaves to celebrate his living legacy, his beloved children Nia, Kamau and Malik, his 91 year old mother, Althea Harper, for whom he served as a dedicated caregiver until the end of his life. His older brother Dennis Harper, his younger brother, who is jokingly referred to as his twin because of their lifelong closeness, Dr. Brian Harper (Penni). His brothers-in-law, Dr. Ronald (Sati) Nichols, Rev. Dr. Reginald (Vanessa) Nichols and Roy Nichols. His cherished grandchildren Jalen, Zenzele, Manelin, Naade, Mansa, Asante-Taheera and Mandel. Nieces and nephews (Averi, Omari, Russell, Troy, Ryan, Therren, Aaron, Austin, Lauren, Yejide, Aliyiah) and a host of Aunts, Uncles, cousins, godchildren and friends. Click here to read entire dedication!

 Booker T Washington's Tuskegee Continues
The Legacy of the Congo Connection

Booker T. Washington in his 1904 essay "Cruelty in the Congo" articulated profound African solidarity when he noted "The oppression of the colored race in any one part of the world means, sooner or later, the oppression of the same race elsewhere." Booker T. Washington championed the cause of the Congolese people. Washington was a member of the Congo Reform Association, which exposed the crimes of King Leopold II in the Congo. 

(L to R) Mayor, Louis d’Or Ntumba Tshiapota Senator, Eddy Mundela, & Mayor Tony Haygood

Today, his home base of Tuskegee, Alabama and Tuskegee University continue the tradition and heritage of connecting with and standing by the Congolese people. Eddy Mundela, the vice-president of the D.R. Congo Senate, Tuskegee Mayor, Tony Haygood and Agriculturalist and Entrepreneur, Dewey Boyd are leading the way in connecting Tuskegee with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) via a sister city initiative.

On June 13, 2022, Tuskegee formally established a Sister City relationship with Mubji Mayi in the Kasai province of the D.R. Congo and its current Mayor Louis d’Or Ntumba Tshiapota. Mayor Haygood, Senator Mundela and Mayor Tshiapota signed the accord in front of an august delegation of dignitaries in Tuskegee, Alabama.

The accord goes beyond the symbolic and will involve skills transfer, technology exchange, trade and commerce. The initiative is part and parcel of an overall initiative to connect Black farmers and agriculturalists with Congolese entrepreneurs, collectives and cities. It is the 21st century version of a mighty race lifting itself up through partnerships and collaborations. We encourage you to join this Pan African economic effort and be a part of advancing African peoples at home and abroad.

This week marks the 22nd anniversary of Rwanda's and Uganda's Six-Day War in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Both nations fought each other on Congolese soil from June 5 – 10, 2000 for control of Congo's riches. Hundreds of innocent Congolese in the city of Kisangani perished and scores were injured. The victims of Rwanda's and Uganda's war are still demanding justice nearly a quarter century later. Congolese filmmaker Dieudo Hamadi documents the Congolese victims' valiant pursuit of justice in his award-winning film, Downstream to Kinshasa.

The recent outbreak of military confrontation on May 22nd between the Congolese military and the Rwanda-backed M23 rebel group represents the latest episode in Paul Kagame's 25-year war of pillage and aggression against the Congolese people. The Congolese military in coordination with a United Nations authorized international force made up of South African, Malawian and Tanzanian soldiers defeated the Rwanda-backed M23 in 2013. A lot of the leadership fled back into Rwanda and Uganda where they evidently have been incubated and reconstituted to launch yet another attack on the Congolese people. The stark reality is that there is no M23 without Rwanda. The Congolese military captured two Rwandan soldiers among the M23 rebels in the latest incursions. Tensions have risen between the two nations and is escalating. According to the Congolese military, Rwanda has recently dispatched 500 soldiers in the east of Congo alongside the M23 rebels.

Paul Kagame's Rwanda and Yoweri Museveni's Uganda have both invaded the Congo (1996 & 1998), occupied large swaths of the country, and backed and sponsored militia groups such as the M23 in order to sew mayhem and destruction as both nations profit from Congo's riches. In a 2001 report, the United Nations noted “Presidents Kagame and Museveni are on the verge of becoming the godfathers of the illegal exploitation of natural resources and the continuation of the conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.”

Both leaders are able to have their way in the Congo in large part due to the backing they receive from the United States, Great Britain and a number of other Western states. They are authoritarian figures who have been in power for decades - over two decades for Kagame and over three decades for Museveni. They have benefited from U.S. tax payer dollars to the tune of billions in donor aid, military equipment, intelligence, training, etc. In addition, they take full advantage of the diplomatic and political cover provided by the United States in particular, in order to skirt international justice for the mass crimes they have committed in the Great Lakes region of Africa. The exception was Uganda. The International Court of Justice found the Ugandan government culpable for war crimes and plunder in the Congo and order it to pay $325 million in reparations to the Congo. Rwanda would have likely befallen the same fate if not worse but it is not party to the International Court of Justice and hence outside of its jurisdiction.

The cover and protection that Rwanda has experienced has its origins in the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda where the United States shielded Paul Kagame and his military from prosecution for war crimes and crimes against humanity that they committed during the Rwandan genocide. The crimes that both Kagame and Museveni have committed in the region have resulted in what the United Nations has called the deadliest conflict in the world since WWII and the greatest humanitarian crisis at the dawn of the 21st Century. An estimated six million Congolese perished between 1996 – 2007 due to the conflict and conflict related causes. The United Nations stated in its 2010 Mapping Exercise Report that if the acts committed by Kagame's military in the Congo were to be "proven before a competent court, could be characterized as crimes of genocide."

Because of the impunity, lack of accountability, and lack of justice combined with the tacit endorsement of Western powers of the criminal actions by Paul Kagame, he has been able to sew murder and mayhem not only in the Congo but in different parts of Africa. He has dispatched assassins in several countries (Kenya, South Africa, Belgium, Netherlands, and England to name a few) in order to silence or assassinate dissidents. South Africa responded forcefully in 2014 by expelling three Rwandan diplomats as a result of Kagame sending his henchmen to assassinate former Rwandan colonel and dissident, Patrick Karegeya. Even today, Kagame recently kidnapped a Belgian Citizen and US resident, Paul Rusesabagina, the real-life hero of the movie Hotel Rwanda. Don Cheadle who played Rusesabagina is a part of a campaign to free the hero who courageously saved lives during the Rwandan genocide. Rusesabagina's family has filed a law suit against the Rwandan government for Kidnapping their patriarch.

In spite of Paul Kagame's well documented crimes, he and his government have been rewarded with leadership in institutions like the Commonwealth and the Francophonie. The red carpet is rolled out for him in Ivy League universities in the United States. Sports associations like the National Basketball Association (NBA) and teams like the Arsenal Football Club of London fully embrace him and he is often found at the World Economic Forum in Davos as a feted guest. The cover that Western governments and institutions have provided to Kagame has enabled him to fight while denying is military’s presence in the East of the Congo and his government’s sponsorship of militia groups like the M23. In a tweet that he later had to walk back, rationalizing the latest incursion by the Rwanda-backed M23 in eastern Congo, former U.S. Ambassador/Special Envoy for the Sahel & Great Lakes Regions of Africa, Dr Peter Pham is yet another example of how Kagame has been given cover.

However, the DR Congo’s president, Felix Tshisekedi is undaunted. He emphatically states “The resurgence of this armed movement, which was defeated in 2013 with the confiscation of its military arsenal, can only be due to Rwanda. This is no longer a secret.” Tshisekedi goes further by calling for justice for the victims of the Rwandan government’s crimes in the Congo through the implementation of the UN Mapping Exercise Report and the installation of an international criminal tribunal on the crimes in the Congo. This is a  cause that the Nobel Peace Prize Laureate, Dr. Denis Mukwege has long championed.

The Chair of the African Union, Senegalese president Maky Sall said he has spoken to both Paul Kagame and Felix Tshisekedi. He has called for a peaceful resolution to the crisis. Regional efforts to deescalate the conflict are also being led by Angolan President João Lourenço as head of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR).

The U.S. government’s Secretary of State, Antony Blinken has called for dialogue, which is for all intents and purposes reasserting the status quo of the past quarter century whereby Paul Kagame backs militia groups in the Congo while skirting accountability. As the U.S. government calls for dialogue, the Congolese people are demanding justice and an end to the carte-blanche given to Paul Kagame by the U.S. government while he sponsors atrocities in the Congo.

U.S., UK and EU citizens can play a key role in demanding that their governments cease the military and financial support they lavish on Paul Kagame. Citizens can help put an end to the diplomatic and political cover their governments have provided the Rwandan strongman for past quarter century of criminal wars of aggression Kagame has waged against the people of the DR Congo.

FOTC Team!

Friends of the Congo is saddened and shocked by the sudden passing of our dear sister Nita Evele. We extend our condolences to Nita's family. Nita was a champion for peace and justice in the Congo and Africa. Although carrying a full plate with her responsibilities as a caring mother and a dedicated wife, she always had time to be socially and civically engaged with the challenges of her native country, the Democratic Republic of the Congo. She marched, testified, spoke and did whatever was necessary to raise awareness about the humanitarian disaster in the Congo. She advocated for policy changes toward her country at the highest levels of the U.S. government. She served in leadership in several organizations striving for a peaceful, just and prosperous Congo. She was serving as the chair of the board of the Panzi Foundation. Nita also served on the advisory council of Friends of the Congo for over a decade.

Nita was the quintessential role model for young girls and women. She consistently advocated for the participation and representation of Congolese women in nontraditional roles, especially in politics and industry. She was a champion for women's rights and equality for women in every sphere of human activity. Her gentle spirit and calm steadfastness in the pursuit of aims beyond herself was admirable.

We will truly miss our sister friend, yet her spirit will live on in the indefatigable pursuit of peace, justice and dignity in the Congo and Africa.

FOTC Family!

Click here to find out how to pay respects to Nita.
Support Nita's family in this time of sorrow.

The deal between former President Joseph Kabila and his coalition, Front commun pour le Congo (FCC) and current President Felix Tshisekedi and his Coalition, Cap pour le changement (CACH), has come to a predictable head. The country is in gridlock due to the internecine battles of the two coalition partners. The political blocks of the two prominent figures on Congo's political scene have repeatedly bumped heads. Since the formation of their coalition, they have been at logger jam, a product of the fraud-riddled 2018 elections.

Many analysts and observers of Congolese politics maintain that the results of Congo's 2018 elections were fixed and arranged by then-president Joseph Kabila so that the most pliable opposition figure, Felix Tshisekedi, could assume the presidency. The French newspaper Le Monde  put it best when it states that Tshisekedi became president through a secret accord with Kabila and a manipulated electoral process. While Tshisekedi would hold the presidency, Kabila and his FCC coalition would control the overwhelming majority of governorships and provincial assemblies, the Parliament’s upper and lower chambers, and ultimately, the Prime Minister’s post. Kabila and his coalition maintain control over the parliament, Prime Minister, key ministries (Finance, Defense, Justice), and parts of the security apparatus.

The Crisis
The factors that brought the crisis to a head revolve around the control of two critical institutions that are fundamental to determining the outcome of the 2023 elections. Both Tshisekedi and Kabila's camp are vying to dominate the so-called National Independent Electoral Commission (Ceni in French) and the Constitutional Court. The two blocks have clashed over a new president appointment to the Ceni and Tshisekedi's installation of three new judges on the Constitutional court. Whichever party or coalition controls these two institutions can determine the elections’ outcome, irrespective of how the Congolese people vote. The 2018 elections are a case in point; the electoral commission announced the winners, and The Constitutional court validated the announced winners even though the CENI published no final breakdown of the election results as required by law.

Tshisekedi's Sacred Union
Kabila and Tshisekedi have met several times over the past two years, presumably to iron out disagreements. Tshisekedi has even cited Kabila as a source of consultation and vowed not to dig into the past to go on a witch hunt against him, and the illicit network he has installed over the past two decades – reportedly one of the conditions of the deal between him and Kabila. However, the latest impasse between the two prominent political figures is different. In a nationwide televised message on the 23rd of October, Tshisekedi issued a call to form a new parliamentary majority, under the emblem of establishing a "sacred union." Tshisekedi launched a nationwide consultation of social and political forces on the 2nd of November to carve out a new majority, which is a direct challenge for all intents and purposes to Kabila and his FCC coalition. According to Kabila, Tshisekedi's undertaking also represents a betrayal of their deal. The mobilization of social and political forces under a “sacred union” that Tshisekedi has called for actually happened already in 2018 when the Congolese masses mobilized to force Joseph Kabila to relinquish power by organizing elections. During those elections, the masses again demonstrated their unity by making it impossible for Kabila to name his anointed successor Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary as the winner. In fact, the people’s aim and purpose was to oust Kabila and his network. It was Tshisekedi who threw Kabila a lifeline by entering into a deal with him that left the bulk of his network and power intact.

The formation of a new majority will be a daunting task, especially considering that Tshisekedi's coalition only controls 47 of the 500 parliamentary seats. Kabila's coalition holds 341 seats. The opposition coalition,  Lamuka, has 112 seats. At least 251 seats are needed to form a new majority. Therefore, Tshisekedi will have to persuade or "buy off"  Kabila's FCC coalition members to join him and the current opposition to create a new parliamentary majority.

Kabila's Response
Kabila has responded swiftly by summoning his coalition members to his farm in Kinshasa, ostensibly to ensure that none of them leaves his camp to join Tshisekedi in his efforts to create a new parliamentary majority. He prohibited members of the FCC from participating in the consultations without his authorization. The FCC governors, however, have been allowed to participate.  During the meeting with his coalition partners, Kabila lambasted Tshisekedi for going back on the deal. Tshisekedi's camp has spent the past two years, denying that such an agreement ever existed. Kabila threatened to make the deal public at the appropriate time.  Kabila shared with his coalition members that the agreement between him and Tshisekedi was “confidential and signed in front of three heads of state.”

France, U.S. and Regional Players
The United States through  its Ambassador, Mike Hammer and Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs, Tibor Nagy, have fully backed Tshisekedi's offensive tactics and seem to be well informed of Tshisekedi's moves. Before Tshisekedi delivered his speech to the nation, Ambassador Hammer tweeted that the president has a “big announcement” to make in his upcoming address. The US Ambassador also made it clear that he did not see a need to entertain Joseph Kabila. Meanwhile, France, for its part, does not want to see Kabila marginalized. France dispatched its top diplomat for Africa, Rémy Maréchaux, head of the French foreign ministry's Africa and Indian Ocean section, to meet separately with Tshisekedi and Kabila. The Kenyan vice president, Kalonzo Musyoka, also visited Kinshasa to discuss the political impasse with president Tshisekedi and Kabila.

The Consultations
During the consultations, Tshisekedi has engaged a broad cross-section of Congolese leadership: Opposition parties including major figures like Jean Pierre Bemba and Moise Katumbi; Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Denis Mukwege, former presidential candidates; faith leaders; civil society; youth movements; and many other Congolese leaders. Noticeably absent in his consultations are two key members of the Lamuka Coalition, former Prime Minister Adolphe Muzito, and former presidential candidate, Martin Fayulu, who many believe actually won the 2018 elections. Over the past two years, Fayulu has remained unremitting in his denouncement of Tshisekedi, and the deal he made with Kabila to appropriate the 2018 elections at the expense of the will of the Congolese people.

Kabila stepped up his response to Tshisekedi by launching an international diplomatic offensive. He sent letters to the countries that witnessed the signing of the accord (Egypt, Kenya, and South Africa). In addition, he reached out to neighboring Rwanda, the Southern African Development Community and the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Antonio Gueterres. Tshisekedi, for his part, has visited both Congo-Brazzaville and Angola personally to discuss the crisis with Denis Sassou Nguesso and João Lourenço, respectively. The impression is, as the United States, they support Tshisekedi. Following his visit to Angola, the DRC and Angola’s Air Force conducted a joint military air exercise over Kinshasa, the DRC capital. The Kabila camp took it as an attempted show of strength and a possible threat, which implied  that Tshisekedi was prepared to use force, if necessary, to achieve his objectives. A close advisor to Kabila and his former ambassador extraordinary and plenipotentiary, Kikaya Ben Karubi ridiculed the exercise on his Twitter account. In yet another apparent hard power move, On december 1st, Tshisekedi summoned the heads of the military and police who renewed their pledge of alligiance and fidelity to the president.

The inflammatory rhetoric from both Tshisekedi and Kabila camps warrants serious concerns. Kabila’s FCC has called on Tshisekedi to return to the table to iron matters out. They have repeatedly stated that the resolution to the current crisis can only occur within the agreement and coalition framework. Otherwise, Tshisekedi should opt for cohabitation instead of a coalition government or call for elections at all levels, including the presidency. In a cohabitation  scenario, the FCC would run the government independently without sharing ministries with Tshisekedi’s coalition (CACH).

Tshisekedi's pursuit of a new majority is a long shot and not likely to succeed. The leaders of his political party, The Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), have called on him to dissolve the parliament and organize new elections, but that would be unconstitutional as there is not a crisis between the parliament and the government. Both of which are controlled by Kabila's FCC coalition. It is only if there is a crisis between the Parliament and the government that the president could step in and dissolve Parliament, not if there is a crisis between the President and Parliament.

Congolese politics is fluid and mostly unpredictable. One cannot rule out Tshisekedi returning to the table with Kabila and continuing with the coalition as contentious as it may be. Cohabitation is also an option but is not likely. Another scenario being floated is that Tshisekedi will return to the coalition with Kabila while demanding additional space for key figures from his recently completed consultations. Tshisekedi’s consultations concluded on the 25th of November. He is expected to give an address to the nation, outlining how he plans to move forward.

The Peoples' Dire Material Conditions
While the politicians battle for positioning and advantages, the overwhelming majority of Congolese continue to live in abject poverty and deep misery. Seven out of ten Congolese live on less than $2 a day. Less than 2 out of every ten households have access to electricity. It is the third-largest population in the world without access to electricity. According to the World Food Program, conflict and instability combined with COVID-19 have driven 22 million Congolese or a quarter of the population on the verge of starvation. The east of the country continues to suffer widespread instability and lack of security. According to the Kivu Security Tracker, the first 20 months of the Tshisekedi presidency has witnessed 2,127 civilians killed, 1,450 abducted, 938 kidnapped, which is worse than the last 20 months of the Kabila presidency. According to the Human Rights division of the United Nation’s mission in the DRC, the Congolese Army and Police continue to be the main source of human right’s violations.

Conclusion
The Congo’s enormous challenges would already be daunting with legitimate leaders at the helm who reflect the people’s will  and act in their interest. However, when you have leadership that lacks legitimacy and is a product of a deal among elite politicians, it exponentially complicates the challenges. It makes it nearly impossible to address the basic needs of the people.

The current crop of leaders’ primary concern is their acquisition and maintenance of power by manipulating weak institutions such as the CENI and the Constitutional court. Unfortunately, delivering services to the people and improving their material conditions are not crucial factors in maintaining their power and privilege.

The social movements and resistance that forced Kabila to hold elections in the first place in 2018 must continue to educate, mobilize and organize the Congolese masses for fundamental and lasting change. The charge and appeal remain the same; the people must rid themselves of opportunistic politicians and produce a leadership that will serve the interests and needs of the sons and daughters of the Congo.

By Maurice Carney, Executive Director with contributions by Volunteer Coordinator Bibi Ndala and Intern Achint Das.

Jean-Paul Kibambe, Ingrid Schulze, and Samuel Yagase discussed the impact and importance of the Congo Basin to the rest of the world, with host Lys Alcayna-Stevens presenting and leading the discussion. Each panelist has been involved in developing the Congo positively, such as bridging the divide between rural communities and intellectuals or working in or funding higher education and rainforest conservation. The Congo Basin stores more carbon than the Amazon and Asian rainforests combined and can affect the climate on other continents. This shows how significant the Congo Basin is. The discussion focused on topics of international funding, respecting the local agenda, and letting Congolese citizens be the leader of changing their communities.  

Click here to support flood relief in Isangi, DRC.