Advocacy in the Democratic Republic of Congo: Stakeholders Conference

October 5th and 6th, 2011
9:30-11:30 am

Day one: How the Story of Congo Gets Told
Rome Auditorium, Rome Building 1619 Massachusetts Ave
Panel Discussion: 9:30-11:30am

In the past several years, voices from the United States have dominated the conversation on the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), creating a tension between the complex situations on the ground in the DRC and the simple messaging that works for advocacy movements in support of the DRC in the US. Additionally, there are questions about who is a legitimate voice in Washington, DC on the behalf of the Congolese. Financial and language barriers often prevent Congolese citizens from speaking on their own behalf in Washington, although members of the Diaspora, US based advocacy organizations, academics, and NGOs attempt to fill this void with their own expertise and opinions. Often these opinions do not fully convey the divergent and complicated feelings of the large and multifaceted population of the DRC. As the DRC is discussed in sound bites, a few dominant narratives emerge. How does the narrative of the Congo get told in Washington? Who gets to speak for Congo?

Speakers:
Laura Seay, Morehouse University and Texasinafrica
Mvemba Dizolele, Stanford University
John Prendergast, The Enough Project (invited)
Kambale Musavuli, Friends of Congo

Register here:


Day two: Advocacy and the Way Forward
Kenny Auditorium, Nitze Building, 1740 Massachusetts Ave
Panel Discussion: 9:30-11:30am

The DRC presents a complex situation with as many angles as there are stakeholders. In the absence of Congolese voices, stories of the DRC are told by advocacy organizations, NGOs, academics, and the Diaspora. These stories cannot represent the whole, multifaceted reality on the ground, yet they are the basis on which policy makers must rely when deciding on priorities and legislation. Perspectives on the DRC, as they are seen in Washington have had numerous effects in the DRC, both good and bad. Controversial legislation on conflict minerals in Eastern Congo has been said to make living conditions for many people worse while others insist that it has improved the situation for most. The constant focus on rape as a weapon of war in Eastern Congo has dramatically increased services available to survivors but has perverted incentives and prevented women from receiving holistic care. The overall focus on the East has done a great deal to make the DRC into a policy priority, but ignored the failures of Congolese governance that are the root of many of the DRC’s problems. What is the way forward? How can advocacy organizations and all stakeholders work for the best outcomes and avoid unintended negative consequences? Should there be a “Do no harm” policy for advocates on behalf of the DRC?

Speakers:
Adotei Akwei, Amnesty International
Rick Goss, Information Technology Industry Council (ITIC)
Eric Kajemba, Observatoire Gouvernance et Paix (OGP)
Claudine Tsongo, Dynamique de Femmes Juristes

SHOCKING:CONFESSION OF DOWNING OF HABYARIMANA’S PLANE

By Theogene Rudasingwa

On August 4, 1993, in Arusha, Tanzania, the Government of Rwanda and the Rwandese Patriotic Front signed the Arusha Peace Agreement. The provisions of the agreement included a commitment to principles of the rule of law, democracy, national unity, pluralism, the respect of fundamental freedoms and the rights of the individual. The agreement further had provisions on power-sharing, formation of one and singles National Army and a new National Gendarmerie from forces of the two warring parties; and a definitive solution to the problem of Rwandan refugees.

On April 6, 1994, at 8:25 p.m., the Falcon 50 jet of the President of the Republic of Rwanda, registration number “9XR-NN”, on its return from a summit meeting in DAR-ES-SALAAM,Tanzania, as it was on approach to Kanombe International Airport in KIGALI, Rwanda, was shot down. All on board, including President Juvenal Habyarimana , President Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi, their entire entourage and flight crew died.

The death of President Juvenal Habyarimana triggered the start of genocide that targeted Tutsi and Hutu moderates, and the resumption of civil war between RPF and the Government of Rwanda. The RPF’s sad and false narrative from that time on has been that Hutu extremists within President Habyarimana’s camp shot down the plane to derail the implementation of the Arusha Peace Agreement and to find a pretext to start the genocide in which over 800,000 Rwandans died in just 100 days. This narrative has become a predominant one in some international circles, among scholars, and in some human rights organizations.

The truth must now be told. Paul Kagame, then overall commander of the Rwandese Patriotic Army, the armed wing of the Rwandese Patriotic Front, was personally responsible for the shooting down of the plane. In July, 1994, Paul Kagame himself, with characteristic callousness and much glee, told me that he was responsible for shooting down the plane. Despite public denials, the fact of Kagame’s culpability in this crime is also a public “secret” within RPF and RDF circles. Like many others in the RPF leadership, I enthusiastically sold this deceptive story line, especially to foreigners who by and large came to believe it, even when I knew that Kagame was the culprit in this crime.

The political and social atmosphere during the period from the signing of the Arusha Accords in August 1993 was highly explosive, and the nation was on edge. By killing President Habyarimana, Paul Kagame introduced a wild card in an already fragile ceasefire and dangerous situation. This created a powerful trigger, escalating to a tipping point towards resumption of the civil war, genocide, and the region-wide destabilization that has devastated the Great Lakes region since then.

Paul Kagame has to be immediately brought to account for this crime and its consequences. First, there is absolutely nothing honorable or heroic in reaching an agreement for peace with a partner, and then stabbing him in the back. Kagame and Habyarimana did not meet on the battlefield on April 6, 1994. If they had, and one of them or both had died, it would have been tragic, but understandable, as a product of the logic of war. President Habyarimana was returning from a peace summit, and by killing him, Kagame demonstrated the highest form of treachery. Second, Kagame, a Tutsi himself, callously gambled away the lives of innocent Tutsi and moderate Hutu who perished in the genocide. While the killing of President Habyarimana, a Hutu, was not a direct cause of the genocide, it provided a powerful motivation and trigger to those who organized, mobilized and executed the genocide against Tutsi and Hutu moderates. Third, by killing President Habyarimana, Kagame permanently derailed the already fragile Arusha peace process in a dangerous pursuit of absolute power in Rwanda. Kagame feared the letter and spirit of the Arusha Peace Agreement. As the subsequent turn of events has now shown, Kagame does not believe in the unity of Rwandans, democracy, respect of human rights and other fundamental freedoms, the rule of law, power sharing, integrated and accountable security institutions with a national character, and resolving the problem of refugees once and for all. This is what the Arusha Peace Agreement was all about. That is what is lacking in Rwanda today. Last, but not least, Kagame’s and RPF’s false narrative, denials, and deceptions have led to partial justice in Rwanda and at the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, thereby undermining prospects for justice for all Rwandan people, reconciliation and healing. The international community has, knowingly or unknowingly, become an accomplice in Kagame’s systematic and shameful game of deception.

I was never party to the conspiracy to commit this heinous crime. In fact, I first heard about it on BBC around 1:00 am on April 7, 1994, while I was in Kampala where I had been attending the Pan African Movement conference.

I believe the majority of members of RPF and RPA civilians and combatants, like me, were not party to this murderous conspiracy that was hatched and organized by Paul Kagame and executed on his orders. Nevertheless, I was a Secretary General of the RPF, and a Major in the rebel army, RPA. It is in this regard, within the context of collective responsibility, and a spirit of truth-telling in search of forgiveness and healing, that I would like to say I am deeply sorry about this loss of life, and to ask for forgiveness from the families of Juvenal Habyarimana, Cyprien Ntaryamira, Deogratias Nsabimana, Elie Sagatwa, Thaddee Bagaragaza, Emmanuel Akingeneye, Bernard Ciza, Cyriaque Simbizi, Jacky Heraud, Jean-Pierre Minaberry, and Jean-Michel Perrine. I also ask for forgiveness from all Rwandan people, in the hope that we must unanimously and categorically reject murder, treachery, lies and conspiracy as political weapons, eradicate impunity once and for all, and work together to build a culture of truth-telling, forgiveness, healing, and the rule of law. I ask for forgiveness from the people of Burundi and France whose leaders and citizens were killed in this crime. Above all, I ask for forgiveness from God for having lied and concealed evil for too long.

In freely telling the truth before God and the Rwandan people, I fully understand the risk I have undertaken, given Paul Kagame’s legendary vindictiveness and unquenchable thirst for spilling the blood of Rwandans. It is a shared risk that Rwandans bear daily in their quest for freedom and justice for all. Neither power and fame, nor gold and silver, are the motivation for me in these matters of death that have defined our nation for too long. Truth cannot wait for tomorrow, because the Rwandan nation is very sick and divided, and cannot rebuild and heal on lies. All Rwandans urgently need truth today. Our individual and collective search for truth will set us free. When we are free, we can freely forgive each other and begin to live fully and heal at last.

Dr. Theogene Rudasingwa Is a former RPF Secretary General, Ambassador of Rwanda to the United States, and Chief of Staff for President Paul Kagame.

Anatomy of the Looting of the Congo

Are you still wondering how Congo is looted and who the biggest criminals are? Gecamines sold its 20 percent share of the Mutanda copper and cobalt project earlier this year for $137 million, according to its submission to the IMF. The stake was bought by Rowny Assets Ltd., a British Virgin Islands-registered entity “associated” with Gertler, according to the Glencore prospectus. Read entire article here: http://www.bloomberg.com/news/2011-09-28/imf-asks-congo-for-explanation-on-state-mining-assets-sale.html

Seeing No Evil in the Congo

The United States and its allies, Rwanda and Uganda, have played a significant role in the greatest humanitarian crisis at the dawn of the 21st century.

Do you have a smart phone? A laptop? Then you play a role in the violence that occurs in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Cell phones, laptops, and other electronics don't work very well without the mineral coltan. In the Democratic Republic of Congo poor farmers are gathered by armed gangs and enslaved to dig coltan out of the ground.

On June 30, the Institute's Foreign Policy In Focus project, Friends of The Congo, Congo Global Action, and Africa Faith & Justice Network co-sponsored a screening of Crisis in the Congo: Uncovering the Truth at the Reeves Center in downtown Washington. As the crowd of over 100 people gathered in the conference room there was excitement about the film as well as chatter about becoming a “friend of the Congo.”

The film explores U.S. influence on the humanitarian crisis in Congo and argues that U.S. actions and the lack thereof have fueled violence and the exploitation of natural resources there. While Congo has experienced turmoil for over 100 years, violence significantly increased after it gained independence from Belgium in 1960. Congo’s first Prime Minister, Patrice Lumumba, dreamed of democracy as well as total emancipation for his country. However, this has proven to be a dream deferred indefinitely as western powers systematically support the nation's destabilization. In 1961, the United States and Belgium conspired to assassinate Lumumba because he refused to conform to western ideals.

After the assassination, the United States supported Congolese dictator Mobutu a corrupt leader who committed numerous human rights violations. Washington ultimately discontinued its support for him but has continued to sponsor other Congolese dictatorships that exploit citizens.

Furthermore, the United States and United Nations have failed to respond to attacks by Ugandanand Rwandan troops on the Democratic Republic of Congo. Rival war lords such as James Kabarebe of Rwanda and James Kazini of Uganda frequently raid Congo, rape the women, massacre entire communities, and help themselves to the country’s natural resources. In the war in Congo, 6 million people have been killed. No action is taken to investigate and penalize offenders.

According to Congolese human rights activist Kambale Musavuli, President Barack Obama understands that it is imperative to help Congo. As a senator, Obama wrote a comprehensive law, the Democratic Republic of the Congo Relief, Security, and Democracy Promotion Act of 2006 (pdf), to support Congo. Section 105 of this legislation states, “The Secretary of State is authorized to withhold assistance made available under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, other than humanitarian, peacekeeping, and counterterrorism assistance, for a foreign country if the Secretary determines that the government of the foreign country is taking actions to destabilize the Democratic Republic of the Congo.” However, the U.S. continues to support Rwanda and Uganda despite clear evidence of their attacks on the Congolese.

The film includes footage of a speech President Obama delivered two years ago in Ghana, in which he said: “Africa needs strong institutions, not strong men.” How true. That's why the U.S. government must stop ignoring corruption and supporting war lords.

Timeka Smith is an intern at the Institute for Policy Studies.





Congolese from Chicago plans a rally against Rwandan President General Paul Kagame on Saturday, June 11, 2011

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE!!!!

The Congolese people from Chicago, Illinois, would like to invite you to come join them this Saturday, June 11, 2011 for a public protest against the presence of the Rwandan President, General Paul Kagame.

Paul Kagame has single-handedly been pointed as the person responsible for the instability in the Democratic Republic of Congo in order to enrich himself and his cronies by the UN Mapping Report on Congo published in October 2010.

Paul Kagame’s actions in the Congo have resulted in the death of 5 million Congolese people according to the United Nations and various humanitarian organizations.

Paul Kagame has provided support to various Congolese rebels who have enlisted child soldiers in their militia and raped women such as Laurent Nkunda.

Paul Kagame has stated that he will not extradite the notorious militia man, Laurent Nkunda, to the Congo or any international tribunal so that he could face justice because Nkunda is his personal guest in Rwanda.

A study published in the American Journal of Public Health in May 2011 concluded that more than 400,000 woman and girls between the ages of 15 to 49 were raped in the Democratic Republic of Congo over a 12-month period in 2006 and 2007 or an average of 48 women and girls are raped every hour.

If you do not approve what General Kagame has done to the Congolese people, join us at the Hyatt Regency Hotel, 151 East Wacker Drive, Chicago, IL 60601, at 10:00 am to express your indignation for the atrocities he has committed in the Congo and your disapproval of his presence in Chicago.

For further details contact:

Wilma 630 456 0039

Jimmy Batila
Congolese Community of Chicago
President
Jbatila@congochicago.com
www.congochicago.com
1-888-809-9956

Coup Attempt in Kinshasa?

Radio Okapi reports that shots were fired this afternoon near the residence of president Joseph Kabila behind the grand Hotel of Kinshasa in the Gombe Commune. People living in the neighborhood were blocked from entering their homes and road blocks were set up on all roads leading to the president's residence.

Reporters observed a significant deployment of the Republican Guard who is responsible for the security of the president. A team of military police have also been deployed near camp Kokolo.

Congo's Minister of Communications, Lambert Mende said on national television that a non identifiable group of commandos attacked the residence of the head of state. He stated that the group was repelled by the presidential guard and calm has returned. Reports say six of the assailants were killed and others were injured and arrested.

Although the international press has reported an attempted coup and six people being killed, we must be extremely cautious. The international press received its information from the Congo's information sic. communication minister Lambert Mende, who is not the most credible source. It has been reported to FOTC that one person was killed and the others have not been found. It is not out of the realm of possibility that this was a staged event by the regime to foment fear among the population and set the stage for increased repression and tightening of the political space leading up to the November elections.

DR Congo: Six killed in 'coup bid' against Kabila
BBC

Deaths in DRC 'failed coup attempt'
Al Jazeera

Six dead in failed coup attempt - DR Congo
Reuters

Congressional Briefing to Address Justice and stability in the Congo and Great Lakes Region of Africa

The United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNOHCHR) released the official “Report of the Mapping Exercise" in October 2010. The report documents "the most serious violations of human rights and international humanitarian law committed within the territory of the Democratic Republic of the Congo between March 1993 and June 2003”.

Human Rights Watch executive director, Kenneth Roth says: "If followed by strong regional and international action, this report could make a major contribution to ending the impunity that lies behind the cycle of atrocities in the Great Lakes region of Africa."

Philip J. Crowley, Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Public Affairs said: “The United States is firmly committed to helping the DRC and other nations in the region take positive steps to end the corrosive cycle of violence and impunity.”

The United States has a key role to play in making sure that justice is delivered to the people of Central Africa. US tax dollars fund US allies, Rwanda and Uganda who are deeply implicated in mass atrocities, crimes against humanity, war crimes and possibly genocide in the Congo.

The American taxpayers should be assured that their tax dollars are not supporting mass atrocities in Africa and perpetuating a war, which has killed an estimated 6 million people, making it the deadliest conflict since World War II. The Congressional briefing can serve as a first step in delivering justice to the people in the heart of Africa.

Who: African Great Lakes Advocacy Coalition (Africa Faith and Justice Network, Friends of the Congo, Foreign Policy in Focus, African Great Lakes Action Network, Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation, Foundation for Freedom and Democracy in Rwanda, Congo Global Action Coalition, International Humanitarian Law Institute of St. Paul, Mobilization for Peace and Justice in Congo)

What: Briefing on the UN Mapping Exercise Report and its Implications for US Policy in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Region

Speakers:
Brian Endless, Hotel Rwanda Rusesabagina Foundation

Bahati Jacques, Africa Faith and Justice Network
Nita Evele, Congo Global Action Coalition
Professor Nii Akuetteh, Founder, The Democracy & Conflict Research Institute, DCRI; and Founding Executive Director of OSIWA
Emira Woods, Foreign Policy in Focus at the Institute of Policy Studies

When: 2 P.M. – 4 P.M. Wednesday, March 2, 2011 



Where: Room 2226 Rayburn House Office Building
45 Independence Ave SW
Washington, DC 20515

RSVP: events@friendsofthecongo.org or 202-584-6512
Contacts: Friends of the Congo
Phone: 202-584-6512

For more information, please visit www.friendsofthecongo.org or www.afjn.org

Rwanda, Congo and the Great Lakes A Battle of Narratives

The past few months have witnessed a shift in the narrative by some of Paul Kagame's staunchest supporters. Most notably, Stephen Kinzer in a 180 degree turnaround stated in the Guardian of London that "President Kagame should accept the possibility that his judgment may not always be correct, and listen earnestly to Rwandans with different ideas. He still has the chance to enter history as one of the greatest modern African leaders. There is also the chance, however, that he will be remembered as another failed African big-man, a tragic figure who built the foundations of a spectacular future for his country, but saw his achievements collapse because he could not take his country from one-man rule toward democracy." Read entire article here.

Another one of Paul Kagame's key intellectual supporter, Philip Gourevitch, recently came under scrutiny by Tristan McConnell in the Columbia Journalism Review in an article entitled "One Man's Rwanda." The article unleashed a debate between McConnell, Gourevitch and Howard French. Such a debate would not receive such prominence five years ago, this is certainly a sign that the hold that Paul Kagame has had on American intellectuals who have carried water for him since 1994 is weakening.

Congo’s Egypt, February 16, Sixteen Years Ago

On February 16, 1993, at least one million Congolese of all ages participated in the "March of Hope" in Kinshasa, the capital of the Democratic Republic of Congo, formerly Zaire. They demanded the resumption of the Sovereign National Conference (CNS), which was brutally interrupted by the US-backed dictator Mobutu Sese Seko. The Conference marked the beginning of political change, and the end of fear and silence. People were willing to die to end the dictatorship.

Unfortunately for the Congolese people, the CNS failed to achieve its goal of non-violently getting rid of the US-backed dictator, Mobutu. It also failed to set up a viable political framework for transition to democracy.

In spite of the CNS failures, Dr Nzongola Ntlaja said that it accomplished a lot in that "more than any other national conference in Africa, the CNS did a rather thorough job in examining the country's past and in adopting a new vision or societal project for the future."

Congolese continue to yean to control their own affairs and excavate themselves from a brutal war imposed on them by US allies Rwanda and Uganda (1996 - 2002). The youth of the Congo appeal to supporters outside Congo to challenge the foreign policy of Western nations that back and maintain strongmen at the expense of the people. In addition, the youth call for a solidarity movement that supports their efforts inside Congo to bring about peaceful and lasting change in the heart of Africa.