After several months of legal battles and political mobilization, Congolese opposition figure Jacky Ndala, youth coordinator for the “Ensemble pour la République” party, was granted provisional release on Thursday.

The Kinshasa-Kinkole High Court granted provisional release to opposition figure Jacky Ndala on health grounds. His lawyer confirmed the decision, which was motivated by the worrying deterioration in his health.

Imprisoned since November 2024, Jacky Ndala was sentenced on 18 December of the same year to 30 months' imprisonment for "spreading false rumors" following his statements accusing the National Intelligence Agency (ANR) of subjecting him to violence and abuse. This conviction provoked strong reactions from human rights organizations and several political figures, who denounced the use of the justice system to target the opposition.

This was not the first time Jacky Ndala had faced justice. In July 2021, he had already been sentenced to two years in prison by the Kinshasa/Kinkole Magistrates' Court for "direct incitement to disobey the law" after calling for demonstrations against a proposed citizenship bill. On appeal, his sentence was reduced to 22 months in prison.

In December, he was even granted a presidential pardon, but this was never enforced, fueling heated controversy surrounding his case.

For nearly a year, his lawyers denounced "political persecution" and demanded his release. They won their case today, but only on a provisional basis and for medical reasons. Jacky Ndala is expected to leave Makala Central Prison on Friday.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

The President of the National Assembly, Vital Kamerhe, announced on Monday 22 September 2025 his resignation as head of the lower house of Parliament. The announcement was made before the Conference of Presidents, an advisory body that brings together the leaders of parliamentary groups. He was one of five members of the bureau targeted by petitions from MPs calling for their resignation on grounds of mismanagement and incompetence.

The grievances against him include alleged incompetence, financial malpractice, obstruction of parliamentary scrutiny and a lack of transparency in the management of the chamber.

Pressure becomes unbearable

For several days, the former chief of staff to President Félix Tshisekedi had seen his position become increasingly precarious. A special commission chaired by MP Peter Kazadi and composed of 22 members had been tasked with examining five petitions targeting not only Vital Kamerhe, but also four other members of the Assembly's bureau: Jacques Djoli (rapporteur), Dominique Munongo (deputy rapporteur), Chimène Polipoli (quaestor) and Grâce Neema (deputy quaestor).

Although his resignation had been anticipated after several weeks of political tension, it has sent shockwaves through the national political scene. Vital Kamerhe, a major figure in Congolese politics and a strategic ally of President Félix Tshisekedi, had held this position since 2024.

A departure to avoid humiliation

On Monday morning, as the plenary session was preparing to examine the Kazadi Commission's report, Kamerhe took his detractors by surprise by submitting his resignation to the Conference of Presidents. "He preferred to leave the table before any humiliation," said a member of parliament close to the case. His decision thus avoids a vote that would have required an absolute majority of 251 votes out of 500 members of parliament to confirm his dismissal.

The plenary session, convened by First Vice-President Isaac Tshilumbayi, was held in a tense atmosphere. Tshilumbayi is now acting as interim head of the lower house, pending the election of a new bureau.

Another resignation 16 years after the last one

As in 2009, history seems to be repeating itself for Vital Kamerhe. Back in 2009, Kamerhe resigned as Speaker of the National Assembly under pressure from the Kabila regime after disavowing the entry of Rwandan troops into North Kivu. Sixteen years later, history is repeating itself, but this time under a different president, with whom he had sealed a historic alliance in 2018.

His resignation, which he presents as a "sacrifice for unity", could also serve as a springboard for him to bounce back, as in 2009. But in the short term, it opens up a period of uncertainty in the National Assembly, where the reshuffling of the bureau could redraw the balance of power within the majority and the opposition.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

Currently the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) is facing a severe humanitarian crisis. The historical violence done to Congo is mainly due to its abundance in natural resources. The environmental sanctuary that is within Congo has made it incredibly valuable to outside countries. Countries like China, Rwanda, Uganda, the United States, and several European countries like Belgium and France seek to exploit the land for mining purposes as resources like cobalt are used to make batteries for phones, planes, cars, and much more. Exploitation of Congo happens both directly and indirectly. As multinational corporations like Glencore, China Molybdenum, Freeport-McMoRan (amongst many others) enter DRC and set up mining operations for minerals like cobalt, copper, gold, and diamonds, local communities and the country at large face detrimental harms. Unregulated mining practices coupled with the ongoing series of conflicts have led to the creation of various vulnerable groups who often go unseen and unprotected. Some of the vulnerable groups include child soldiers, women, communities located near mining sites, and individuals working in the mines.

The humanitarian crisis has created various vulnerable groups.

Despite its mineral rich resources, DRC’s economy benefits very little from the mining industry. Miners and local communities near the mining sites are a vulnerable population as they face reprehensible conditions that have extremely poor impacts on health. For example, the average miner works around twelve hours a day with some as young as seven. The normalization of mining combined with extreme poverty has led to many children working in the mines instead of going to school. Those working in the mines are no stranger to collapses as they are often sent deep into unstable mines with poor protective gear. Salaries are between $2.15-$8.60 per day with children often earning at most $2.50 per day and a large gap between the earnings of men and women. Women in the mines also face unique harms as they are often subject to sexual exploitation and violence. As cobalt and copper mines continue to expand throughout various regions in DRC local communities face displacement. Because many mines are located in conflict zones, the displacement numbers only grow. Additionally, this puts women and children at greater risk of sexual assault and violence. Due to families living in extreme poverty, working in the mines becomes a way to survive. Further, due to poor regulation of mining sites, the local communities are put at greater risk of exposure to radioactive elements which can lead to the development of respiratory diseases. Toxic dumping often occurs at mining sites which ultimately contaminates the water and soil fertility which results in high human mortality due to water and food contamination.

Children are amongst some of the most vulnerable in the humanitarian crisis. The harms they face result from unregulated mining sites as well as armed forces and groups. The term “child soldier” refers to children recruited by warring parties as fighters, scouts, cooks, spies, guards, messengers, and much more. Between 2005 and 2022, the United Nations reported that more than 105,000 children were verified as child soldiers, although the actual number of cases is much higher. There are many ways for children to become associated with armed groups. For example, some children may be abducted during raids of schools and markets or beaten into submission while others may join as a way to survive. Due to new tactics of warfare, children have become more vulnerable than before. Children just like other vulnerable groups, are also subjected to gender based violence. For example, girls are more likely to be subjected to varying degrees of sexual violence.

Women are another vulnerable group as they face threats of sexual and gender-based violence. In displacement camps, the risk of sexual assault is much higher. However, with limited food or resources women may venture into insecure areas to search for essentials like wood. Many women are forced into transactional sex in order to access work or necessities. Survivors of sexual violence also face barriers when it comes to seeking justice. For example, fear of retaliation or lack of accountability tactics from the judicial system have led to a majority of sexual violence cases going unreported. In “Women Resist War,” author and co-founder of the Women’s Synergy for Victims of Sexual Violence, Justine Masika Bihamba reflects on the hardships that women in DRC have endured during the past thirty years of crisis. In her book she shares her personal experience in DRC and discusses the outbreak of sexual violence that women undertake. Additionally, she discusses the importance of outreach. Only when the entire population, leaders, and international institutions become engaged can Congolese women as well as other vulnerable groups receive justice and proper treatment. Without spreading awareness and taking further action in various spheres, the vision of a better DRC cannot be accomplished.

Taking action

Although vulnerable groups in DRC are facing heightened humanitarian harms, there are many ways to get involved and help end the crisis. Currently in DRC various organizations are coming together in order to create a better tomorrow for the country. For example, advocates in DRC have come together in order to organize youth in Uvira and Mwenga in order to demand transparency in local mining contracts. In South Kivu, a group of women who had lost their husbands due to a mine collapse formed a cooperative where they would farm and sew. Advocates came together to create small income-generating projects and raise awareness of unsafe mining conditions. These are only a few examples of the amazing impact that awareness and coming together has had on the community.

Those in the West can also come together to help combat the humanitarian crisis in DRC. Western allies can get involved in many meaningful ways. One of which is by demanding corporate accountability of tech companies. In doing so, advocates should push for companies to prove that their supply chains are not linked to exploitation or conflict. Advocacy also needs to take place in international law by pushing for accountability as well as regulations on conflict, minerals, and ethical sourcing. It is of the utmost importance to advocate for changes that the communities in DRC would like to have enacted. Thus, westerners can also help to spread the word by supporting Congolese-led advocacy. By elevating the voices of local leaders, journalists, and activists we can help ensure that policy changes that are authentic to DRC become implemented. Discussions about Congo may also take place in settings such as classrooms, faith groups, activist circles and more. The key point is to take advantage of the platforms that are available to help further the Congolese voice and enact positive change. Through awareness and unity, we can all help end the humanitarian crisis in the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Written by Anneya Anderson

Bibliography:

Council on Foreign Relations. Conflict in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. June 9th, 2025. https://www.cfr.org/global-conflict-tracker/conflict/violence-democratic-republic-congo

United Nations. Children, Not Soldiers. https://childrenandarmedconflict.un.org/children-not-soldiers/

United Nations. Children and Armed Conflict. November 21, 2004. https://childrenandarmedconflict.un.org/2024/11/drc-thousands-of-children-face-escalating-violence-and-exploitation-amid-intensifying-conflict/

Jonta Kamara and Stephanie Bumba. Protecting Miners’ Health in Democratic Republic of The Congo. February 10th,2025. https://www.thinkglobalhealth.org/article/protecting-miners-health-democratic-republic-congo

List of Mining Companies in Democratic Republic of The Congo. https://www.juniorminingnetwork.com/mining-stocks/democratic-republic-of-the-congo-mining-stocks.html

Congo Mines. https://congomines.org/en/

A special thanks to Brother Passy for his advocacy work in DRC, and willingness to answer my questions as well as provide personal insight for this article

“Reputation laundering”, by definition, is a form of propaganda whereby a party significantly invests money in highly visible positive actions both to conceal unethical, criminal behaviours and improve their reputation. This method of buying a way out of negative press has been adopted by corporate dynasties, companies and countries alike, who have all sunk quantifiable investments into sectors such as sports, charity and cultural arts to cover up incorrigible acts by tying their reputation to current trends. Throughout the years, The Congo has fell victim to the reputation laundering campaigns of both foreign and domestic governments, utilising the hype around Jazz, Rumba and Football to lull populations into a false sense of improvement and peace, all the while acting as a smokescreen behind which shady actors can perform inhumane acts. The following blog will compare the smokescreens of American Jazz concerts in the Congo during the 60s with the sportswashing efforts of Rwanda today, both providing governments with a veil to hide their predatory ambitions behind.

“The weapon that we will use is the cool one” - Dizzy Gillespie

The most important resource of the Cold war was not raw materials such as rubber or tin, nor strategic assets such as uranium, but people. More than land or deposits, the actors of the Cold War fought to win the hearts and minds of people who stood between the Capitalist West and Communist East, garnering wider support for their diametrically opposed campaigns. With the growing popularity of the civil rights movement in the early 50s, the racial violence taking place across the US was beginning to receive international exposure, embarrassing the leader of the ‘free world’ and raising the reputation of the USSR by comparison. Resultantly, the US needed a way to both erase the negative press surrounding the state and showcase the ‘superiority’ of Western Civilisation over the Soviets. The CIA began to heavily invest in culture and arts, wrapping capitalist ethos in a sugar pill casing of the avant-garde to gain mass appeal within socialist countries. In 1955, Frank Wisner, the Deputy Director of plans in the CIA especially pushed for patronage of jazz artists, believing that “first-rate American Jazz” would stand to be “unmistakably typical of U.S” due to the improvisation within communally agreed boundaries promoting a starkly American brand of music to receptive Soviet audiences. Furthermore, Wisner was especially enthusiastic about the inclusion of “negro performers”, believing that pushing African American Jazz would display the ‘capacity’ of black Americans and showcase the opportunity afforded to minorities in the US, supposedly neutralising allegations of racism levied against America. Black Artists such as Louis Armstrong and Nina Simone were hired by the U.S. Government to promote the supposed benevolence and prosperity of the West with Dizzy Gillespie being the first to step into jazz diplomacy with his 1956 tour of the Balkans and Middle East. Due to the moral conflict to black performers of representing a nation that actively oppressed them through Jim Crow laws, musicians were often brought under shell groups such as the American Society of African Culture to fool in musicians critical of America’s policy into engaging in pro-US propaganda. Jazz’s deployment against the Soviets proved so effective that that the New York Times dubbed it “America’s secret weapon… a blue note in a minor key.”

When Jazz’s foothold into global popular culture had significantly covered up the negative press, the CIA began to use their jazz ambassadors as smokescreens for illicit action against African states. In the case of the Congo, the West desired to remove Lumumba due to his Pan-African, anti-colonialist sympathies, fearing a cut off from the Congo’s abundant deposits of minerals and materials if his premiership was allowed to continue. The Belgian Minister of African Affairs, D’Asproment-Lynden stated in 1960 that “We would forfeit billions from a Congo overseen by Lumumba” highlighting how the hypothetical material loss of Lumumba’s leadership plaguing the thoughts of Western leaders about the newly established Congo. However, Lumumba was incredibly popular both within the Congo and the wider African continent; the West could not oust him without inciting international uproar and ruining the heightened reputation they needed over the Soviets. Jazz and the US-endorsed ambassadors were deployed to draw attention away from Congolese parliament while Lumumba was usurped by Mobutu. Louis Armstrong’s Africa tour was organised as a diversion from the CIA-backed coup against Lumumba, with Armstrong arriving in the Congo shortly after Lumumba’s placement under house arrest and staying all the way till after the murder of Lumumba by Katanga in January 1961. As well as this, Armstrong’s Jazz was utilised by the US government as a smokescreen under which the US could gain access to the uranium deposits in Katanga, securing themselves a resource many in the West feared would be lost to the Soviets due to Premier Lumumba’s socialist political leanings. It is worth noting that many jazz ambassadors opposed deployment for these ends and were often kept in the dark on such matters. Armstrong himself did not know the true nature of his Africa tour and flew into a rage when he found out he had been used as a decoy for capitalistic interest. The star went so far as to threaten to renounce his US citizenship in a similar vein to Nina Simone, who left the US in the 70s after realising she had been used without her consent as a jazz ambassador to Nigeria, but was soon brought under the jazz ambassadorship wing once more. For their role in the destabilisation of the Congo and murder of Lumumba, the US’ reputation stayed mostly intact with the aid of jazz deployments, showing the prowess of reputation laundering in the Congo in the past.

Today, it is the Rwandan government which has utilised reputation laundering to attempt to clean a murky global image in the face of inter- and intranational human rights infringements. UN experts still maintain that the Rwandan Army is “in de facto control of M23 operations”, making them directly responsible for the violent attacks carried out by the group in South Kivu, its recent captures of Goma and Bukavu, and all the crimes against humanity committed along the way. Furthermore, there are a growing number of stories coming out of Rwanda attesting to human rights infringements, particularly on free speech and freedom of association, as political opponents disappear or find themselves in jail for bogus charges. To try and keep the state’s reputation above rising negative press, the government has exceedingly invested in their ‘Visit Rwanda scheme’ an initiative which partners the Rwandan government with several leading football teams, such as Atletico Madrid, which signed a three-year contract with Visit Rwanda as of the 30^th April 2025. Visit Rwanda’s branding seeks to “showcase Rwanda’s commitment to peace, stability and inclusive growth” and can now be seen on the football shirts of the teams it sponsors, Arsenal’s football shirt alone is seen 35 million times a day globally according to the Visit Rwanda website, giving the nation near unmatched positive exposure in the international stage. Furthermore, as part of the partnership, Arsenal’s men’s and women’s teams will visit Rwanda and host coaching camps to support sport development in the country. Through this method, Rwanda is tying its faltering reputation to the mass popularity of football, making the country look happier and much more peaceful than in reality. Rwanda’s reputation laundering, called “sportswashing” due to its activity-heavy sponsorships, has received mass criticism both internally and externally, with the DRC’s government calling for an end to the “blood-stained” sponsorship of football teams amid the capture of Goma by M23, and Rwandan activist Carine Kanimba criticising Visit Rwanda for its diversion away from human rights abuses towards dialogue on sport. Despite criticisms of the scheme, Visit Rwanda continues to keep the reputation of Rwanda above water and football teams continue to fly Visit Rwanda branding in their games. Recently, Bayern Munich has reduced its endorsement of Visit Rwanda following outcries from fans on its involvement in the current Congo conflict but has been vague on how it plans to phase out the problematic branding, perhaps hinting at a lack of moral obligation against supporting clear reputation laundering, as witnessed with the jazz ambassadors of the Cold War. In short, the use of reputation laundering by foreign states to cover up inhumane acts in the Congo still sees effective use today.

Overall, reputation laundering has been and remains the go-to method for governments who want to avoid the consequences of their actions and not the actions themselves. In the case of jazz ambassadors, the US and CIA utilised popularity to draw public attention away from their actions against Lumumba and extraction of uranium from Katanga, both actions which, had they received full media coverage, would have sunken the reputation of America and Western civilisation to the benefit of the Soviets. Similarly, Rwanda’s “Visit Rwanda” sponsorships are being utilised to bind worsening public opinions of the state to the mass popularity of sport, attempting albeit only somewhat to cover up increasing stories of Rwandan endorsement of M23 as well as human rights abuses within the state. Any government seeking to falsely clear their record of their irreprehensible actions must be brought before the international community and be made answerable to their crimes.

Written by Alex Temmick

In 1999, during the First Congo War, the Democratic Republic of the Congo initiated legal actions against the use of its territory as a battleground for other African nations. The DRC initiated proceedings against Burundi, Rwanda, and Uganda “for acts of armed aggression committed . . . in flagrant breach of the United Nations Charter and of the Charter of the Organization of African Unity” and sought reparations from all three countries. Twenty-three years later, some reparations had finally begun to be granted – from Uganda alone. Starting in 2022, after the International Court of Justice had ruled in 2005 that Uganda had violated several international laws in DRC, Uganda has been ordered to pay $325 million to DRC. It has been ordered to do so in yearly instalments of $65 million. However, neither of the two other nations involved in the First Congo War has been ordered to pay reparations or, more importantly, faced any legal repercussions.

The First and Second Congo Wars lasted from 1996 to 2002, resulting from tensions between Rwandan militias that had fled to the DRC, the Congolese government, and the newly formed Rwandan government. The fighting went on and off throughout the six years and even after the fact. The human impacts of the conflict, however, are more numerous than anything reparations could fix on their own. In total, around 5.4 million people were killed in the span of both wars, and 3.4 million people were displaced throughout.

Just like Rwanda has been worsening the current crisis in the Congo by supporting M23 and exploiting Congo’s instability for economic gain, Uganda has been gradually increasing its military presence in the DRC since 2023. Uganda has a substantial number of troops from the Ugandan People’s Defense Force (UPDF) stationed in the DRC. While these troops were initially stationed alongside the Congolese military in a joint defense project, the Congolese government has confirmed that Uganda has increased its presence in the eastern DRC without authorization.

Uganda has played both sides with regard to M23, supporting the rebel group and making efforts to prevent the rebel group from seizing control of more regions in DRC. This position is primarily based on Ugandan interests without any regard for the DRC’s sovereignty. For instance, on one hand, Uganda's army chief, General Kainerugaba, has made statements in support of M23. On the other hand, Ugandan forces have also made some efforts to limit M23's ability to seize more land, primarily in Uganda's regions of influence.

Rwanda’s current government, on top of supporting M23 and continuing its involvement in Congo, comprises many people who were involved in the first Congo War. One notable instance is Rwanda’s current president, Paul Kagame. Kagame, who, before becoming president in 2000, was leader of the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), one of the many Rwandan rebel groups that invaded the DRC.

In fact, the RPF, which would soon after its founding become the leading party within Rwanda, and its military wing were behind many of the atrocities during the First Congo War. On August 24, 1998, for instance, RPF soldiers alongside allied groups brutally killed over 850 civilians in what is known as the Kasika Massacre, burning alive many in the village of Kasika, opening fire on civilians in marketplaces, and even breaking into one Roman Catholic Parish and murdering the priest, nuns, and parishioners. Kagame was part of the leadership of the political wing of the RPF, not its military wing. Regardless, by virtue of these atrocities being sponsored by his party, he is equally complicit.

The international community, aside from the reparations being demanded from Uganda, did little at the time of these atrocities being committed and has done little since. The United States, which took part in training Rwandan forces and providing a good deal of humanitarian aid to the nation, turned a blind eye to the atrocities being committed by Rwandan militias. Lieutenant-Colonel Tom Odom, US Defense attaché in Kigali, said in reference to massacres of refugees in Rwanda, “The deaths were tragic… Compared to the 800,000 deaths of the genocide, the 2,500 deaths were a mere speed bump.”

One survivor of the first Congo War lamented, when speaking to Amnesty International, “My dearest wish was the establishment of courts. This is the wish of the Congolese people. Now we have a sense of frustration in the population. Why were there blockages? It is unclear why crimes that have already been documented have not been tried. Is there nobody emotionally moved by the crimes committed in Congo?” Some, evidently, have been moved, however. Amnesty International, in the press release the above testimony was published, has called for justice from Rwanda and Uganda concerning atrocities in the DRC. Likewise, the fact that Uganda has followed through in paying reparations to the DRC is a start, although efforts for justice shouldn’t stop there. Justice is a continuous process, and we can only hope that that process will continue for the DRC.

Written by Vernon Demir

In November 1994, the world said, once more, “never again”. Following the genocide of nearly one million Tutsi and other Rwandan ethnic groups, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda was founded, and four years later, Rwandan politician Jean-Paul Akayesu became the first person to ever be prosecuted for genocide, setting an example within the nation, as many others from the previous government would be brought to justice. Less than four years later, the new Rwandan government would continue the previous slaughter and displacement of civilians, except in a different location: the Democratic Republic of Congo.

From 1996 to 2003, Rwandan and Ugandan forces invaded and battled within the DRC following tensions remaining from the Rwandan genocide. Two million Congolese were displaced, and 5.4 million people were murdered overall. In 2000, one peak of this war was the six-day war. Throughout Kisangani in the Oriental Province of DRC, hundreds of civilians were killed, and countless villages were bombed. One survivor recalled when speaking to Amnesty International, “I was walking with my grandmother when I was struck by a bomb in my leg. I didn’t know how to get to hospitals; it was dangerous, so we were dealing with the injury at home, but the foot was rotting. On the fifth day, I went to the hospital, but it was too late; they cut off my leg.” Unlike in 1994, however, nobody was prosecuted for their crimes within Congo. With no repercussions and no reparations, these crimes were meant to continue.

Since 2022, Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and even the United Nations have all criticized the armed terror group M23 for its attacks on civilians, fueling the rampant human rights abuses within the Democratic Republic of Congo. Since then, over 4.6 million people in North and South Kivu have been internally displaced due to M23 attacks. Equally concerning, 1,500 Congolese people were forcibly transferred by M23 to Rwanda in early 2025.

M23, which stands for the March 23 movement, was formed in 2012, years after the Rwandan genocide. Its origins, however, trace back to the conflict that began around the end of the Rwandan genocide. Hutu militias, constituted by some of the Rwandan refugees, formed to fight back against the newly installed Rwandan government. This conflict, however, continued and intensified, leading to Rwanda invading Congo in what would become the First Congo War in 1996. Both the Congolese state and Rwandan-backed militias continued to fight for control of eastern DRC for the next five years. Skirmishes continued despite various efforts by the Congolese government, which repeatedly shifted heads over the decades, particularly after the assassination of President Laurent-Desire Kabila. Some of those efforts were a 2003 peace agreement. However, another peace accord was signed in 2009, between said militias, the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP), and the DRC government, more successful than the last.

In 2012, those Rwandan-backed militias united, took a new name based on the date of the 2009 peace accord, and tried to take control of eastern Congo. Following years of on-and-off attacks, M23 reorganized in 2022 and began to attempt the capture of the Congolese city of Goma. Despite the rebranding, one thing was the same: their strength and resources came from Rwandan direct support. According to the United Nations, between 3,000 and 4,000 Rwandan military troops were working alongside M23 as of July 2024. For instance, M23 forces have been working alongside the Rwandan Defense Forces in bombing displacement camps and civilians near Goma.

These ties between M23 and Rwanda have exceeded simple support. United Nations experts have reported that Rwanda has deployed "high-tech systems capable of neutralizing air assets" for rebels to use against the Congolese military. Rwanda has, in the meantime, diplomatically defended the M23, arguing that they are merely protecting the minority Tutsi population from the Congolese state.

These attacks, committed by M23 and backed by Rwanda’s government, have had severe impacts on civilians living in eastern DRC. Francine, a farmer from North Kivu, was in the field alongside her family when M23 rebels invaded her village. “We immediately fled. I was carrying my baby on my back, one child in each hand, [with] the other four running in front of me. I lost sight of my husband. We didn't dare rest because we heard the shots all around.”

Rwandan involvement in the Congo has not been exclusively militaristic either. Part of Rwanda’s reasoning for support for M23 has been the ease of access to raw materials such as coltan, which, according to U.N. experts, has been smuggled from DRC to Rwanda. Many Rwandan manufacturing companies and exporting companies have relied on Congolese minerals, including those obtained from smuggling. In June 2025, Rwanda and the DRC signed the ‘Minerals for Security and Peace Deal’, further linking the economies of the two nations, but in favor of Rwanda.

Rwanda has faced much criticism, but minimal genuine pushback, for its involvement in the DRC. While the United Nations Security Council urged Rwanda to stop supporting M23 in February 2025, and the EU has sanctioned three Rwandan generals for their support for M23, sanctions have not been placed on Rwanda as a whole. Most recently, the United States brokered and placed support behind the aforementioned mineral deal, with the U.S. benefitting highly from it.

“Never again” does not currently and has not meant, for the longest time, never again. Outside of Congo, within Sudan, the genocidal Janjaweed militia, which committed various acts of ethnic cleansing across Darfur, after barely being prosecuted, formed the Rapid Support Forces, or RSF. Much like the Janjaweed before them, the RSF has targeted civilians, particularly ethnic minorities, as well as Sudanese cultural landmarks, such as looting and destroying centuries-old artifacts in the National Museum in Khartoum; Raphael Lemkin, the scholar who originated the term ‘genocide’, coined the more specific term “cultural genocide” to refer to acts such as this. Much like M23, supported by Rwanda, the RSF is heavily externally backed, receiving both munitions and supplies from the UAE. With both, the fact that the supporting countries (Rwanda and the UAE) are Western-backed nations has played a part in the lack of repercussions for their crimes.

For international law and human rights law to mean anything, prosecution must mean something. Terror groups and extremist militias like the RSF and M23 must not be allowed to form to begin with. Rwanda is where the first case of genocide was actively prosecuted, but for the ICC, ICJ, and UN to truly show that crimes against humanity do not go unpunished, as they have been in Congo, those acts of prosecution must not be the last.

Written by Vernon Demir

Another terrorist ambush by the ADF on Friday 26 September 2025. The target was a Fuso vehicle on the OÏCHA - MAMOVE road. Local sources say that most of the victims were traders on their way to the weekly market in Mamove. At least 8 people are reported dead, and several are still missing.

All the goods on board were also reduced to ashes. The same applies to 7 motorbikes, whose drivers have still not been found.

"There are still people missing because the vehicle behind was attacked. Those who were more or less in front in the cab escaped. Everyone managed in their own way. That's why some people are still in the bush. We hope they will be able to return" KAMBALE KIBWANA Jean-de-Dieu, deputy mayor of the rural commune of Oïcha. 

This local authority did not hide its desolation at this sad situation and called on the security services to take charge of this issue. "The population really has tears in its eyes, because ever since the enemy has been roaming around in the west of the commune, not a week goes by without recording murders", he added.

Following these massacres, the Oïcha civil society has announced a day of mourning for Saturday 27 September in the commune, which is the capital of the Beni territory.  The ADF (Allied Democratic Forces) are one of the deadliest terrorist groups in Africa.

Founded in Uganda in the 1990s to oust President Yoweri Museveni, accused of mistreating Muslims, the group is responsible for a number of violent attacks in Uganda and eastern DRC.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma 

The Democratic Republic of Congo boasts the world’s deepest river and a vast rainforest that spans over three million square kilometres. The natural resources available in the DRC have huge potential for the proliferation of greener and more sustainable living and practices. Normally, the availability of such resources as the DRC’s water sources and the Congo Basin would contribute to the adoption of cleaner energy sources and clean water for the population. Yet, in practice, such sources are not utilized in a manner favourable to local communities or the environment. Moreover, faulty governance structures aggravate corruption, resulting in the overall lack of operationalisation efforts to harness renewable energy. Despite these realities, there remains much hope for the Congolese population concerning cleaner energy sources and innovation strategies to effectively utilize available renewable energy. This would require a concerted national effort, firstly through policy implementation, leading to the adoption of practices that promote a greener way of life, in turn improving the health and well-being of the population.

However, decades of war, pillaging, and conflict have rendered these natural resources, like the Congo basin and the Congo River, almost useless. That is, not enough attention has been paid to exploring the benefits of Congo’s natural resources. As such, their usage remains largely unexplored. Areas like the Congo Basin–a vast carbon sink–and rainforest would contribute significantly to climate change mitigation through the mass absorption of carbon dioxide emissions and polluted air. However, these areas, like the rainforests, are increasingly inhabited by rebels and militia groups, functioning against the government and the population. Where time should be accorded to exploring the benefits of Congo’s natural resources, government interests around such projects give precedence to economic gain, with little regard to the impact on the population or the environment. During former president Mobutu’s governance, one such idea was the Grand Inga Dam (Inga 1 and 2), intended to be a source of hydroelectricity drawn from the DRC’s Congo River. Today, a similar project has resurfaced under the title ‘Inga 3’, which many see as an economic strategy rather than a means to mitigate environmental stress or improve the lives of Congolese communities.

Supported initially by Belgian colonists, such projects as the Inga 1 in 1972 and Inga 2 in 1982 dams failed to successfully increase Congo’s economic capital, due to issues like corruption, overrunning costs, and a lack of servicing that contributed to the overall poor maintenance and functioning of the dams. Where the use of the dams could have led to electricity being generated across the country, their usefulness was limited to serving private mining companies and places along the Inga-Kolwezi transmission line.

Statistics from the World Bank show that as of 2023, just over 20% of the population nationally had access to electricity, 55% of the urban population managed to access some electricity, and a shocking 99% of the rural population had no access to electricity. According to the International Trade Administration’s 2024 country commercial guide on Congo, the DRC’s government aims to augment the service level of electricity available to 32% by 2030. Considering the current figures, which underline the scarcity of electricity access, this seemingly small projection is actually quite significant.

Taking the World Bank’s statistics into account, a 32% augmentation in electricity availability seems like a distant dream! This, despite the nation having the faculties to harness enough power for itself and its neighbours. So, what of durable solutions? The Inga dams are part of a recurrent discourse addressing possible solutions to the energy and electricity issue in the DRC, as well as to the question of economic growth. Yet before considering these, the welfare of the population and the environmental impact of any endeavour to relaunch any Inga project remain most critical.

In its plan to relaunch Inga 3, the government’s focus does not currently seem to prioritize certain pressing issues. These include a plan for the relocation of local populations who may be affected, as well as an assessment of the project’s detrimental impact on the environment. These two issues are pivotal considerations in ensuring that the Inga project’s outcome is not marred by devastation.

The fantasy surrounding any of the Inga projects is often quelled by the reality of operational, social, ethical, and environmental issues cascading into discourse around the operationalisation of these dams. Thus, to ensure a less catastrophic result for these issues, the various actors involved in making Inga 3 a reality must assume a resolute standpoint that favours simultaneous benefits for economic profiteers and the population alike. I suggest the following proposal as an example of how a project like Inga 3 should be set into motion, without disastrous impacts on local populations and the environment.

The planning phase for projects like Inga 3 cannot happen without the input of local populations. Including them also paints a clearer picture of how much environmental damage can affect those whose livelihoods depend on a stable natural environment and natural resources for economic activities like fishing. Locals who depend on the functioning of small-scale fisheries would deeply suffer from a project like Inga 3 that ignores the project’s impact on fish migration and, subsequently, food security.

For the likes of small-scale farmers, the launch of a third Inga hydroelectric project could negatively impact agronomy and local agro-economic activities. Where little reservation is made to limit the impacts of issues, like the flooding of fertile lands, the likelihood of threats to long-term food security increases. Rather, solutions include considering methods through which the dam(s) could contribute to irrigation through the provision of energy or regulating agricultural patterns to benefit small-scale farmers and their crop growth. These initiatives require those in power to include local populations in decisions that could devastate their livelihoods by providing funding for those who willingly choose to leave the area for the implementation of projects such as Inga 3.

Such solutions could be considered ‘wishful thinking’ by those with little faith in Congolese governance- and rightly so! Reforming governance systems is equally key to ensuring that projects like the Inga 3 positively benefit the Congolese population, with methods of accountability instituted to monitor the impact on local communities and the environment. Changes to current governance models include the introduction of trained ombudsmen, anti-corruption policies that establish and encourage fiscal responsibility, and further governmental frameworks that prioritise integration and collaboration between government and local communities.

Considering climate impact and environmental concerns, whilst hydroelectric power is a renewable energy source and thus a positive for the Inga 3 project, high levels of deforestation are projected, alongside increased methane emissions from its reservoirs. To achieve its potential as an effective source of renewable energy and for the Inga 3 project to actually benefit Congolese people, risk assessments should examine the impacts on biodiversity and the suggestion of technological innovations to monitor this, recurrent assessments of Inga’s 3 maintenance to not pose a risk to the local community, including a relocation plan for those affected, and the implementation of processes to manage environmental flows.

Ultimately, giving heed to local communities’ input and including the average Congolese person in a project like Inga 3 would likely mitigate a number of the negative impacts to ensue, following the project’s commencement. This, as the voice of the population, heralds from a place of sincerity, where the well-being of the population trumps purely economic gain and corruption. Like renewable energy sources, there will always be Congolese voices. Therefore, good governance requires an attentive ear to the needs of the population and a solution for situations that would negatively affect the livelihoods of Congolese people. This indeed is a defendable form of governance, one that ensures the continuity of sustainable living and practices for the population.

Written by Ketsia Kasongo

Occupying Goma and Bukavu and large parts of the provinces of North and South Kivu, the Rwandan-backed M23 is moving to a new level of autonomy. It will no longer accept any travel documents issued by the Kinshasa regime to enter the areas under its control.

In a note, Bertrand Bisimwa, the rebel movement's deputy coordinator in charge of political, legal and diplomatic issues, explains this decision, which is due to be implemented by the end of 2025.

He justifies this decision, which is due to come into force on 1 November, "out of a concern for reciprocity", pointing out that it was in February that the Kinshasa regime decided to exclude and no longer recognize administrative documents issued by M23.

As a result, he points out, "any foreign national wishing to enter the areas occupied by his movement must have a visa issued by the latter".

"Visas issued by Kinshasa, as well as any other travel document intended for entry into the occupied zones, are now considered invalid", he continued, adding that this measure would not apply to people who had obtained their visas before February 2025.

He also pointed out that UN personnel holding a service or official passport, as well as a duly recognized courtesy visa, continue to enjoy free and unconditional access to the occupied areas.

Many observers even see it as a means of legitimizing the balkanization of eastern DRC.

"The Washington and Doha agreements are opium administered to #Kinshasa to put it to sleep, while they speed up the establishment of a Rwandan protectorate through the terrorists of #AFC_M23," says Fortifi Lushima, a pan-African activist and coordinator in the DRC of the organization "Urgence Panafricaine".

"Today, they impose visas on all foreign nationals coming from the occupied territories. What will it be tomorrow? A referendum?" He adds.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

Jedidia Mabela, LUCHA activist and human rights defender, was arrested on Wednesday 1 October, taken to the Public Prosecutor's Office and then to the central prison. This arrest comes in the wake of the bloody crackdown on a sit-in organized by a coalition of citizen movements in front of the Provincial Assembly on Tuesday 30 September. The sit-in took place shortly before the opening of the September 2025 session.

The verdict was handed down on Thursday, 2 October 2025, and it has sent shockwaves through the activist community in Tshopo. Jedija Mabela, an activist with the citizen movement Lutte pour le Changement (LUCHA), was sentenced to six months' imprisonment and fined 1,500,000 Congolese francs in a trial against the provincial governor, Paulin Lendongolia. Mabela's lawyers described the decision as a "unique judgement", denouncing the governor's direct interference in the judicial decision.

Following the judgement handed down by the Kisangani Magistrates' Court, Maître Firmin Yangambi, one of Jedija Mabela's lawyers, did not mince his words. He clearly stated that it was a "judgement dictated by Governor Paulin Lendongolia". Yangambi recalled the governor's career, highlighting his own past role in his rise to power when he was a provincial deputy during a motion of censure against former governor Walle Lofungola.

“We will defend our values to the end. Children like Jedidia are the light of Congo today,” insisted Maître Yangambi, denouncing the governor’s arbitrary actions in using his power to arrest a peaceful citizen. As human rights activists and defenders of freedoms, the lawyers promise fierce opposition: "We will oppose him. Let him know that from now on, we will fight them through all legal channels, and we will bring them down legally."

This trial in flagrante delicto raises serious questions about the independence of the judiciary and freedom of expression in Tshopo province, highlighting the tensions between the provincial authorities and citizen movements demanding more transparent governance that respects fundamental rights.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma