If touched upon within education, African anti-colonial thinkers are often placed in a political vacuum, artificially isolated from neighbouring contemporaries within wider continental dialogues. The effects of collaboration among African ideologues on pan-Africanist thought are often left out of records, constructing a false atmosphere where African anti-colonialists acted alone against European imperialism instead of together. This phenomenon risks the omission of key interactions between popular African leaders and the connections made between their struggles for independence.
Notably, Nkrumah, the revolutionary first President of Ghana, was a marked supporter of Lumumba and a Free Congo. Nkrumah is construed as the founding father of Ghana and the main leader behind Ghana’s role in the wider pan-Africanist movement, but little is said about his interactions with fellow leaders. Nkrumah saw the Congo as “the Heart of Africa” – a vital region that formed a buffer state between a growingly independent Africa in the North and a South controlled by imperialists. To Nkrumah, the Congo stood as a decisive factor in the fight between neo-imperialism and Pan-Africanism, marking the victory of either party depending on which way the country swayed. Resultantly, the freedom of the Congo from imperialist influence became a matter of significant importance for Ghana’s president and Pan-Africanism at large, underwritten by the leader’s “fervent hope” to rally Africa to his ideology.
This political leaning brought Nkrumah into close contact with Patrice Lumumba, who shared in his ideals of African freedom, unity, and independence. Lumumba’s own experiences in Accra during the All-African People’s conference of 1958 had added a stark Pan-African dimension to his Congolese nationalism and fostered a close relationship between him and Nkrumah, referring to one another as brothers in official correspondences. Lumumba and Nkrumah often discussed how the Congo could be structured to best repel imperialist influence, with Nkrumah often encouraging a strong unitary governmental system for the Congo as a means of preventing neo-imperialist meddling through the exploitation of federal systems, an omen for events soon to come.
During the Congo Crisis of the 60s, Nkrumah attempted to push for “African self-respect” in peace-keeping matters by sending a solely African force to prevent conflict, also transporting an unprecedented level of foreign aid to the Congo at “almost every level of government”, according to Opoku Agyeman, including medical and civic support. To the Ghanaian president, this backing was a matter of principle, stating in a 1960 UN General Assembly meeting that “to damage the prestige and authority of that [Lumumba’s] government would be to undermine the whole basis of democracy in Africa”, denouncing the belligerence of the West and Western-backed rebels against the legitimate central Congolese government as an extension of how far colonial powers would go to maintain their domination “in one form or another in Africa.”
Nkrumah’s plans of an Afro-centric response to the Congo Crisis were short-lived, eventually being pushed out by a mix of UN, European, US, and US-backed forces who chose to support Mobutu and his pro-western sentiments. The betrayal of the UN and Lumumba’s later assassination at the hands of these parties was a source of considerable grief for Nkrumah, stating in a broadcast on the 14th of February 1961 that the loss of Lumumba was an illegal power grab by the rulers of the US, UK, France and other powers allied with Belgium as well as a “loss for the whole African continent.”
Despite knowing each other for a short time, the interactions between Lumumba and Nkrumah appeared to have a profound effect on the politics of Ghana, Congo and continental Pan-Africanism, highlighting an often-overlooked connection between African struggles to be rid of colonial influences. What’s important to keep in mind when analysing the Congo or any other Black African nation is that their struggles rarely exist in a void and are often emblematic of larger conflicts, be it ideological, economic, or social. The Congo is the heart of Africa, so ask yourself, what does it tell you when the heart is under attack?
Front-and-centre, or side-by-side? The question of the Congo’s place in African anti-colonial struggles has varied in answer from thinker to thinker. As covered previously, Nkrumah, the first President of Ghana, believed that the Congo stood as the “Heart of Africa” and was therefore at the forefront of African liberation. However, not every thinker shared this opinion and instead believed that the Congo’s place was on a more equal level of importance to its neighbours. One such thinker was Nnamdi Azikiwe, the First President of Nigeria and the father of Nigerian nationalism.
Nnamdi Azikiwe (1904-1996) was born in Zungeru in Niger state to Igbo parents. Attending primary and secondary schools in Onitsha, Calabar, and Lagos, Azikiwe was exposed to all three major Nigerian cultures, learning more about Nigeria’s position in the world upon moving to the US for university and later travelling to Ghana for early employment. After returning to Nigeria in 1937, Azikiwe founded the Nigerian Youth movement and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) which supported him as he was elected to the Nigerian Legislative council and later emerged victorious during the 1959 federal elections. These elections were key in securing Nigerian independence from the United Kingdom’s colonial control, asserting Nigeria’s capacity for self-rule, and demonstrating their demands for freedom from European imperialism. Despite his focus on Nigerian politics, Azikiwe also looked outwards to the rest of Africa, foreseeing a collaborative push between African states for the total liberation of the continent from colonial powers.
Azikiwe’s anti-colonial thought rested on a few principles, insisting upon the right of an African state to sovereignty, non-interference, and to federate (or confederate) with whom they chose. The state of African nations was a source of despair for Azikiwe, who likened the continent to a “ham which has been carved by the sword of European imperialism.” The Nigerian leader believed that if matters were placed totally and wilfully into the hands of African countries by Europe, the continent would prosper. Most importantly, Azikiwe believed in the right of African states of equality of sovereignty irrespective of size and population, opposing any hierarchy of importance between African countries. For these foundational beliefs, Azikiwe believed that the independence of Africa came from the formation of an African Leviathan from a collaboration among African states, calling for Nigeria to “co-operate closely with the other independent African states” to form the political bloc needed to push out colonial influences. While still supportive of African liberation and the Congo’s independence, Azikiwe’s ideals put an emphasis on equal collaboration among African states as the method towards true African freedom, instead of the fateful sway of any state, as Nkrumah believed for the Congo.
Lumumba’s own philosophy aligned with much of Azikiwe’s thought, similarly believing in an egalitarian attitude to the importance of African Liberation. In a speech at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, in 1959, Lumumba stated that “Africa will not be truly free and independent as long as any part of this continent remains under foreign domination”, placing all African states on an even plane of importance. The Congolese leader was also of the same opinion that it was colonialism and its facets of control that “seriously hinder the flowering of a harmonious and fraternal African society,” seeking their removal to allow Africa to bloom. Lumumba similarly sought the unity of Africans in popular movements or unified parties to “demonstrate our brotherhood to the world” and fight against the balkanisation of Africa into weak states at the mercy of the West, a sentiment parallel to Azikiwe’s own comparison of a balkanised Africa to a carved ham in its revulsion at the predatory colonial division of Africa.
While Azikiwe’s thoughts on the Congo Crisis itself remain unknown, it can be assumed through his philosophy, that the secession of Katanga under Tshombe and the brutal military involvement of Belgium, the UN and allied countries would have been taken as a mark of disrespect to the integrity of Africa and its right to federate or confederate without influence. The involvement of Nigerian military forces in peacekeeping operations solidifies notions of favouring an Africa-led response to intra-African conflict and the camaraderie of African states through the support offered to the Congolese government by Nigerian forces.
Despite records never hinting at a meeting between the two leaders, Azikiwe and Lumumba clearly shared a vision of an Africa free from European domination and believed in similar pillars for African inter-state collaboration moving forward. Whether the vanguard of liberation or a willing member of an egalitarian community, the Congo’s independence was and is a matter of importance to Pan-Africanists from all walks of the ideology. Today, the Congo faces the same challenges to its rightful sovereignty, territorial integrity and freedoms as it faced during the crisis of the 60s. Irrespective of which pan-Africanist ideologue you follow, there is no question about the independence of the Congo; its protection is essential to the anti-colonial struggle, and it must be freed from the grasp of colonial and neo-colonial influences.
This appeal is an extension of the “Camp de la Patrie”, a citizens' platform initiated by Fayulu. Through this movement, he advocates the defense of the sovereignty and integrity of the national territory, while calling for the opening of an inclusive dialogue bringing together political players, civil society and religious denominations, an approach also encouraged by CENCO and the ECC.
Martin Fayulu has long associated the threat of balkanization with the presence of the M23, which he accuses of illegally occupying part of the east with the support of Rwanda. In his view, the only way to put an end to the political and security crisis that is undermining the nation is for all Congolese to mobilize and engage in genuine dialogue.
"Congolese patriots, let us remain united to counter the plots to balkanize our country. Let us not be distracted: the enemies are preparing their attacks. Let each of us serve the country with the gift we have received from God", he said on his social networks.
In this tense climate, with clashes continuing in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Fayulu reiterated his openness to a meeting with Tshisekedi. One of his spokespersons said: "A signal which, despite political differences, suggests the possibility of a common strategy to preserve the future of the Republic".
For several years, Fayulu has been warning of the threat of balkanization, which he associates in particular with the persistent occupation of territories in the east by the armed group M23, supported by Rwanda. He believes that only national mobilization and frank dialogue can provide a lasting solution to the security and political crisis shaking the country.
He is the only major opposition player that the current government can count on, as other opponents swear by dialogue.
“DRC-USA: US lawmakers denounce the lack of transparency surrounding the mining partnership currently under negotiation,” headlines Radio Okapi on its website.
In the United States, the mining agreement between Washington and Kinshasa has sparked heated controversy. Democratic Representative Linda T. Sánchez, supported by 51 other members of Congress, has criticized the administration for conducting negotiations in secret, without involving Congress or ensuring transparency in the process, according to Enquete.cd
“In an open letter addressed on Monday, August 11, to President Donald Trump and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, these Democratic lawmakers expressed their concerns about the lack of transparency surrounding negotiations between the United States and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) on strategic mining contracts,” Radio Okapi reported.
“Strategic minerals cannot be exploited at the expense of the health, land, and future of the Congolese people,” they warned, sending a clear and firm message to both US and Congolese authorities, the media outlet concluded.
To calm the situation, the Congolese Press Agency, a government agency, explained that this letter does not mean that the US Congress rejects the deal. His dispatch states that “the official text shows that US elected officials are requesting adjustments (consultation with Congress, protection of human rights), but no final decision has been made,” before concluding that Congress has not said no, but is demanding ethical and legal guarantees before finalizing anything. The issues raised (security, human rights) are real and well-documented, but they are being used here as leverage to renegotiate the terms of the partnership, not to cancel it.
The deal itself is the result of several fraudulent payments, according to Congolese media. “The US firm Ballard is paid US$100,000 per month by the Congolese government for its lobbying activities with the Trump administration to implement the barter deal, strategic minerals in exchange for security for the DRC, according to a report by Global Witness published in early July 2025,” announced Ouragan Fm
US lawmakers say they are waiting for a formal response before any official visit by a Congolese delegation to Washington and want to be kept informed of progress toward a fair agreement. “Mining for critical minerals must not be carried out at the expense of the Congolese people, their land, and their development prospects,” they insist, as reported by Tazama RDC.
Six people lost their lives and only one survived the crash of a plane on Saturday 16 August, 34 kilometers from Kisangani. Only one passenger survived the crash. He was immediately rushed to hospital for treatment.
The victims included the aircraft's two pilots, whose nationality was not specified. A colonel, battalion commander in Punia, and his wife were also killed in the crash. One of their bodyguards was killed, while a second survived and was rushed to a medical centre. The lifeless bodies of the aircraft were found and taken to the morgue in Kisangani.
According to witnesses, the aircraft, coming from Lubutu, crashed after hitting a tree on the Ituri road at a place called PK34.
The exact causes of this tragedy remain undetermined for the time being. According to the local authorities, investigations have begun to find out more about the cause of this tragic accident.
Other sources have reported that the as yet unidentified aircraft belonged to a private individual currently in Europe. The aircraft was left behind in Lubutu during the occupation of the M23 rebels in Walikale, a town located some 180 km from Lubutu centre. However, the shock came as the plane was being brought back to Kisangani.
While on approach to Kisangani, some 34km away, the aircraft lost radio contact with Bangoka airport. An investigation is underway to determine the exact cause of the accident.
Aircraft crashes are very common in the DRC, especially involving small aircraft. People looking for emergency exits from rural areas use them to reach urban areas quickly because the roads are insecure and impassable. Rigorous technical inspections are needed to avoid similar situations in the future.
The trial of Joseph Kabila by the Public Prosecutor's Office began this Friday 25 July 2025 before the High Military Court in Kinshasa. The former head of state, who led the country from 2001 to 2019, will face heavy charges including treason, war crimes and alleged support for the Alliance Fleuve Congo rebellion, a political movement that has joined forces with the M23, a rebellion supported by Rwanda.
This appearance comes two months after the Senate lifted his parliamentary immunity on 22 May. An unprecedented decision in Congolese political history, it opened the way for legal proceedings against the man who for nearly two decades was one of the most powerful men in the country.
According to the indictment, Joseph Kabila allegedly provided logistical and financial support to armed groups operating in the east of the country after his term of office, in particular the AFC/M23, which was involved in abuses in the east of the DRC.
In addition to crimes against peace and the security of humanity, participation in an insurrectional movement, high treason, intentional homicide by bullets, apology for criminal acts, rape, torture and deportation, Joseph Kabila is also being prosecuted for the open occupation of the town of Goma. The prosecution accuses him of alleged complicity in the rebellion that has occupied Goma for several months now.
The trial will be held under tight security and is expected to last several weeks, according to certain sources.
While Joseph Kabila's supporters denounce a "political persecution", his detractors are demanding justice on behalf of the victims of the conflicts that have bloodied the east of the DRC for two decades.
Despite the opening of the trial, the Honorary President's presence at the court remains unrecorded. This situation is reminiscent of his absence at a previous invitation to appear before the Senate to be heard before his immunities were lifted.
After declaring that the case had been referred to it, the military court received the civil party application from the Democratic Republic of Congo. The lawyers who had lodged this complaint at the hearing requested a postponement to enable them to study the case file and prepare their defense. The High Court granted this request and adjourned the case. The High Military Court adjourned the case until 31 July 2025.
This trial is already a major event, attracting widespread national and international attention. The outcome of this unprecedented case will inevitably have a profound impact on the political future of the Democratic Republic of Congo.
In considering how to proliferate development efforts and unity in a country, peacebuilding is looked upon as an integral part of reconciliatory processes in contexts of war and violence, particularly where injustices have occurred. Many of these injustices directly affect women who are treated as worthless pawns amidst political games, gambles, and conflicts. Yet, on the topic of peacebuilding in Congo, the treatment of women amidst conflict and generally in society is not foregrounded as a key element when thinking about reconciliation, memory, and moving forward. Much less discussion around peacebuilding. The DRC has seen multiple failed attempts at peacebuilding strategies, and such a recurrent outcome has raised questions concerning the sincerity of the multiple state and non-state actors involved in fostering peaceful dialogues. Recently, however, the light at the end of the tunnel seems to be more than a faint haze for the Congolese. Recent days have seen an unprecedented union between President Felix Tshisekedi of the DRC and politician Martin Fayulu, who fancied himself something of an opposition leader. Where a scathing attitude to Tshisekedi’s presidency was entrenched in Fayulu’s political discourse, as he believed his ‘electoral win’ was stolen from him by Tshisekedi in 2018, his contestations seem to have taken a turn, as both Fayulu and Tshisekedi have now found themselves in coalition against the endeavours of Joseph Kabila. Former president of the DRC, Kabila, continues inciting discord between Congolese people and working in alliance with Rwanda to portray the situation in Congo as a display of internal Congolese bickering, absolving Rwanda of its culpability and involvement.
Whether a ruse or a genuine desire for a partnership, Tshisekedi and Fayulu’s meeting may well mark a critical juncture in Congolese politics; this coalition sends a message throughout the country that being unified by a shared national identity and a desire for Congo’s development should trump the tribal tensions that have long constrained development in many areas and at various levels of society.
One of the most striking points raised in the dialogue was Fayulu’s call for “national cohesion”, expounding on the need to create a “camp for the homeland” which would prioritise the urgent needs of the Congolese people, concerns. This is particularly interesting in light of the peace agreement between Rwanda and the DRC. Where some have praised the efforts to get Rwanda to the negotiation table and reach a shared conclusion, others have condemned the agreement as a pitiful transaction that resulted in Congo being sold to America, just through a ‘legal framework’. A country that, prior to this, had been effectively ‘sold’ to Rwanda, at the hands of former president Joseph Kabila. This peace deal, signed on the 27th of June 2025, poses an interesting question as to whether such actions promote “national cohesion” and “creating a camp for the homeland”. Such an endeavour would require the support of all the Congolese people, irrespective of their tribal background, often a catalyst for conflict and flailing social cohesion. Yet, amidst all this discourse concerning ‘Congolese interests’, one must ask: do these interests include upholding the rights of women in zones of conflict? Whilst this meeting could later be looked back upon as having marked something of a critical juncture in the DRC’s development trajectory, this meeting may keep our eyes fixed on potential promises not yet realised and distract our attention from the ever-present tragedies occurring outside Kinshasa. Maintaining hope and optimism about the DRC’s political situation should not replace our continued efforts to raise awareness about the particular suffering of women and girls who are repeatedly subjected to violations and human rights abuses by the Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group and other Rwandan actors in eastern Congo.
A recently distributed clip showed a Congolese woman from Goma lying on the ground and held down by a group of men. What ensued was a display of physical violence with makeshift wooden batons as her punishment for refusing to be forcibly married to a Rwandan. Not only did she receive continuous blows on her back downwards, but she was also robbed of her dignity as parts of her genitalia were exposed on camera whilst she received blows from the wooden sticks. With all the people gathered to watch the affair, whether forcibly or not, no one stepped in or up to rescue her from what will remain a harrowing memory for her and those around.
Such is the suffering of many women who live in areas at the heart of the conflict, only the world does not bear witness, particularly as they are not all recorded or reported. In some conflict-ridden areas in the DRC, no regard is given to women’s rights, with statistics detailing that a woman is raped every 48 hours in the DRC! Women do not seem to be a priority in Kinshasa’s political discourse, and thus, women are left to the devices of rebels and groups like the Rwandan-backed M23. Organisations like the Panzi Foundation, which helps women who have been victims of sexual violence in conflict situations and sexual war crimes, need to be foregrounded in the discussion about helping women. The organisation aids women in reclaiming their narratives and rebuilding their lives, an element of particular importance as many survivors become ostracised by their communities, though they have suffered. These women are indeed worth more than their harrowing experiences, and in wanting governments to materialise their support for these women, the de-stigmatisation of women who have been subjected to such crimes must accompany any support given. For instance, should the government enforce laws creating a police department for the reporting of sexual violence, without de-stigmatisation, crimes would likely remain unreported due to the shunning and shame that women would be met with! The prevailing situation across the DRC’s political landscape highlights a disconnect between the government and its people. Where the current administration has made significant progress in areas like education, the government’s priorities do not always seem to align with or wholly consider the critical needs of certain groups in society, like women.
Due to a ‘lack of public and official data concerning gender-based violence and violations carried out against women and girls’, as reported by Amnesty International in 2024, many cases of violence against women are disregarded. This only harbours a sense of impunity across the country and sends a message that supporting women’s rights is not critical to the nation’s development, encouraging ignorant attitudes and carelessness. Clearly, established international human rights law has little effect in regions like Goma! It remains imperative that the Congolese government is lobbied to take expedient actions to support affected women in these conflict-ridden parts. Women are key to Congo’s development, and neglecting their rights is erroneous in every way.
The understanding of development presented within this article is drawn from the writings of Thandika Mkandawire. His work describes development as the “liberatory human aspiration to attain freedom from political, economic, ideological, and social domination. As highlighted by much research, women are pivotal to development efforts and economic prosperity in developing countries. For example, fostering safer environments for women to exist means that women in developing contexts (and more generally) would willingly engage in different forms of work available, even in male-dominated spheres. This leads to economic diversification, as well as an improved quality of human capital. To successfully support women in areas like Goma, mechanisms must be established that enforce women’s safety and accountability measures for those who threaten this. For women who suffer in the aftermath of abuse, a reform in the judicial system is crucial in helping such women obtain justice and support in rebuilding their lives and reintegrating them into society. This is because many women who face sexual violence are often ostracised by their communities and shunned.
People are the most important part of development efforts, and therefore, where issues concerning the people are not handled, real development cannot really be obtained. This also speaks to the importance of social policy that can ensure the inclusion of diverse groups in development efforts and society overall. Women in Congo require government attention, and without this, armed groups and even general civilians will continue to wage war on women’s rights and lives.
The war on women must end. This war does not rage only in Congo’s zones of conflict, but across the nation. A more prominent discussion on how to combat this war on women is crucial to millions of female lives being protected in the DRC, and whilst activist groups and charities may provide limited support, one way in which long-term change can be effected is through government intervention. As you consider the ongoing situation in the DRC, remember the millions of women who often face the repercussions of political issues, becoming retaliatory tools at the hands of rebels and finding themselves with no one to turn to.
The inauguration ceremony of the Genocost Memorial was held on Saturday 2 August 2025 in Kinshasa, in the presence of a wide range of personalities. Politicians, diplomats, musicians, comedians, footballers, influencers, civil society figures and cultural players all turned out to pay tribute to the victims of mass crimes in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Genocost memorial consists of 93 steles and an eternal flame, symbolizing the living memory and resilience of the Congolese people in the face of oblivion.
Lubumbashi: In solidarity with the victims
The youth of Lubumbashi responded en masse to the call to remember on the occasion of National Genocost Day. In front of the emblematic 30 June building, an appreciative crowd gathered around the national flag to honour the millions of Congolese who have fallen victim to the brutal and illegal exploitation of their country's natural resources.
In an atmosphere of pain and hope, candles were lit in a circle around the flag. Representatives of civil society took the floor to denounce the "international silence" in the face of this tragedy, described as "economic genocide".
Butembo: a reminder about the ADF
Citizen movements and pressure groups in the town of Butembo, in the province of North Kivu, are urging the government to put an end to the war in the eastern part of the DRC.
Gathered at the Masiani cemetery in the town of Beni, along with other local people, to pay tribute to all the victims of armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo on the occasion of Genocost, commemorated on 02 August, these citizens' movements and pressure groups denounced the atrocities committed by the terrorists of the Forces Démocratiques et Alliés (ADF) on the one hand, and by the M23 rebels on the other, which the population continues to suffer. They call for the same efforts to be made to put an end to the M23 rebellion as to eradicate the ADF.
Silence in regions under Rwandan occupation
While last year's Genocost activities were organized with great fanfare, this year the towns of Goma and Bukavu have done nothing. The towns of Goma, which fell at the end of January, and Bukavu, which fell in mid-February, are under occupation by the Rwandan army via the M23. No activities have been organized there, as if to say that the aggressor is back in another guise. No communication from the M23 on the occasion of this day. Every Congolese commemorated in absolute silence.
The arrest of army general Christian Tshiwewe Songesha, former chief of staff of the FARDC and military adviser to President Félix Tshisekedi, has now been confirmed by the presidential party itself. Augustin Kabuya, Secretary General of the Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), lifted the veil on this affair. During a political morning organised on Tuesday 15 July, in front of a crowd of militants, he claimed that the former head of the army was involved in a plot to physically eliminate the Head of State.
The case is causing quite a stir. Since General Tshiwewe's arrest, which has still not been officially confirmed by the judicial authorities.
"He plotted with his entourage to kill the Head of State, a family man, a grandfather, the first institution of the Republic, and he does not want to be held to account. That's taking people for slaves," said Augustin Kabuya.
A few days earlier, FARDC spokesman Major General Sylvain Ekenge stressed in a statement that the disciplinary measures taken in the army had no ethnic basis. "These officers are being arrested for serious breaches of military discipline. ". He added: "The army remains committed to rigour, integrity and respect for the law. "
No official statement has yet been made by the Presidency on the substance of the case. President Tshisekedi, who had made General Tshiwewe one of his most trusted confidants by entrusting him with the management of the FARDC general staff, has not yet commented publicly on the accusations of plotting made against him.
A member of the Republican Guard for several years, Tshiwewe has risen through the ranks in the shadow of successive regimes.
It was under the Tshisekedi regime that General Christian Tshiwewe rose through the ranks to become Chief of General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo in October 2022, replacing Lieutenant-General Célestin Mbala, who had retired. He was replaced by Jules Banza in December 2024. Since then, he has remained military advisor to the Head of State, occupying a strategic position in the security apparatus. His proximity to the President, his role in strategic operations and his meteoric rise through the military ranks made him a central figure in the security system.
The declaration of principles was signed between the Congolese government and the M23 in Doha, under the aegis of Qatari mediation, on the morning of Saturday 19 July 2025. Nothing has been achieved so far, and the declaration of principles essentially covers the points on which the peace agreement will be based.
As soon as it was signed, the two sides had two different interpretations.
The Congolese government says it is satisfied with the signing, and points to the return of state institutions, including the police and army, from areas under the control of the AFC/M23. "This declaration takes account of the red lines that we have always defended, in particular the non-negotiable withdrawal of the AFC/M23 from the occupied areas, followed by the deployment of our institutions (FARDC, PNC, justice, administration)", says Patrick Muyaya, Congolese Minister of Communication and government spokesman.
The M23 took a different view of this declaration of principle. "A bilateral ceasefire has been signed, with a mechanism put in place to establish practical arrangements", wrote Benjamin Bonimpa, head of the M23 delegation to Qatar and permanent secretary of the M23, on X in the wake of the declaration. "The populations in the AFC/M23 zones can congratulate themselves on the peace and protection they enjoy, because it is an achievement," he continued.
With regard to the next stage of the process, the two parties undertake to apply the provisions of the Declaration of Principles immediately, by 29 July 2025 at the latest, and to begin negotiations on the peace agreement by 8 August at the latest, with signature expected by 18 August.
