DRC: The ADF terrorist group has murdered at least 70 people in Ituri

DRC: The ADF terrorist group has murdered at least 70 people in Ituri

The province of Ituri, in the north-east of the Democratic Republic of Congo, remains the scene of chronic insecurity despite the peace agreements signed between the Congolese government and several armed groups, including the Codeco militia. However, the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), an Islamist group affiliated to the Islamic State, remain particularly active and deadly.

According to local residents, these rebels attacked the village at around 8pm local time. Coming from the west, they crossed to head east along national road number 4.
"I'm being treated, I've been shot several times, don't fail to pray for me, but I don't know if my wife and child are still alive, they could be killed, keep praying for me", said one of the wounded.

This information has been confirmed by the office of the Irumu CRDH. Christophe Munyanderu, its coordinator, calls on the command of the joint FARDC-UPDF operation to review its approach in order to spare the lives of the population.
"Since 8 July we have just counted 70 civilians killed as a provisional toll alongside civilians reported missing, our recommendation is to the joint FARDC-UPDF operations to see how they can review their methods of tracking down these ADF terrorists because after destroying the various strongholds of these ADF terrorists in the territory of Mambasa precisely in the chiefdom of Babila Bakwanza towards Lolwa, and part of the Walese Vonkutu chiefdom in Mungamba, the enemy has again crossed the Ituri river to recapture these former strongholds", recommended Christophe Munyanderu, coordinator of the Irumu CRDH.

"The pooling of FARDC and UPDF forces has been going very well on the ground since the launch of military operations on Sunday 6 July against several ADF terrorist rebel positions deep along the RN-4 in the Irumu and Mambasa territories," said the Congolese army spokesman.

This security situation comes after a series of recent joint FARDC-UPDF operations "launched in the forest of the Babila Bakwanza chiefdom in the Mambasa territory, creating a stampede in the ranks of the terrorists, who are fleeing in all directions", said Jules Ngongo, FARDC spokesman in Ituri.

This upsurge in violence highlights the flaws in the security arrangements in this troubled region of eastern DRC, where civilians remain the first victims of armed conflict.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

Jacques Kyabula, Governor of Haut-Katanga relieved of his duties

Jacques Kyabula, Governor of Haut-Katanga relieved of his duties

While the political climate remains tense in Haut-Katanga, the surprise appointment of Martin Kazembe Shula as interim governor is raising questions and speculation. The backdrop is Governor Jacques Kyabula's prolonged delay in reaching Kinshasa following an official summons issued by the Deputy Prime Minister in charge of the Interior, Jacquemain Shabani.

It was the Deputy Minister for Customary Affairs, Jean-Baptiste Ndeze Katurebe, who on Wednesday signed the telegram making official the appointment of Martin Kazembe as interim governor. He explained that this measure followed Jacques Kyabula's failure to respond to the letter from the VPM of the Interior dated 8 July 2025, which formally invited him to Kinshasa for consultation.

"The Governor's prolonged absence is therefore perceived as a refusal to cooperate with the central authorities. Officially, Jacques Kyabula was supposed to report to Kinshasa on 10 July, but failed to do so. This silence precipitated the intervention of the Ministry of the Interior, via the Cabinet for Customary Affairs, to guarantee the continuity of the provincial executive", says a source at the Ministry of the Interior.

Between diplomatic pretext and health justification:

But in Lubumbashi, the versions differ. Those close to the outgoing Governor put forward several explanations. According to some sources, the trip was postponed due to the absence of the Minister of the Interior, Jacquemain Shabani, who was on an official mission in Doha, Qatar. This is a puzzling explanation, especially as the summons came from the Deputy Prime Minister in office, and not from his deputy who was temporarily absent.

Other sources indicate that Jacques Kyabula is ill, which would explain his unavailability. This is a plausible hypothesis, but one that has not been confirmed by an official medical bulletin, casting doubt on the reality of the Governor's state of health.

A controversial outing in the background:

Apart from logistical or health-related explanations, some observers are pointing the finger at Jacques Kyabula's recent speech at a meeting in Lubumbashi on 1 July. On the sidelines of a rally in support of the DRC-Rwanda agreement, the Governor publicly asserted that the peace negotiations should be conducted solely with the Rwandans and not with Joseph Kabila or Corneille Nangaa, whom he described as "sons of the house" whose problems should be settled locally.

This statement sent shockwaves through the Union Sacrée, the ruling coalition to which he belongs, with several members expressing deep disapproval. For some analysts, this statement put Jacques Kyabula at odds with Kinshasa, gradually isolating him within his own political coalition.

Against this backdrop, the appointment of Martin Kazembe Shula as interim mayor appears to be an attempt to defuse the institutional crisis looming over Haut-Katanga. Officially, the aim is to ensure the continuity of the administration. But in reality, the decision is a political repudiation of Jacques Kyabula, who has been weakened by his silence as much as by his declarations.  Early on Friday, the new interim Governor, under the direction of the Ministry of the Interior, announced that security teams would be mobilised to locate Jacques Kyabula.

Written by Noé Kalemeko

Poisoning Life’s Battery: The Health Impacts of Mining for Tech in Congo

Poisoning Life’s Battery: The Health Impacts of Mining for Tech in Congo

“I thank God for taking my babies. Here, it is better not to be born.” Priscille, a young Congolese woman, stated in an interview with Siddharth Kara (Cobalt Red, pp. 58). Priscille works as a miner in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s artisanal mining industry, an industry that, through the extraction of cobalt and lithium from the DRC, has made a fortune. 22.7 million sales of e-cigarettes in 2022 in the U.S. alone, 1.1 million sales of electric bikes in 2022, $60.6 billion worth of sales in laptops alone as of 2025 – all of these sales rely on lithium or cobalt, two minerals sourced partially and primarily, respectively, from Congo, and all of these sales result in wealth for nations in the Global North, not for the DRC or Congolese workers. Priscille, for instance, is only paid $0.80 for each fifty-kilogram sack of cobalt, another mineral source of batteries commonly used for electric products.

These batteries, relying on lithium, cobalt, and coltan for batteries, are often used as ecologically friendly alternatives to fossil fuels, used in products from e-bikes to electric cars. The effect on the DRC itself, however, is anything but ecologically friendly. Just as the global North benefits from the economic exploitation of the global South and other underdeveloped nations, nations like the DRC suffer greatly from both the climate impacts of fuel combustion from wealthy nations and, more relevantly, the ecological impact of the mining of minerals extracted from it. This impact isn’t just a statistical one; it’s a human one.

As far back as 2007, high amounts of radioactive pollutants were found beside mines in the DRC. In November of 2007, nearly 19 tons of radioactive materials were found dumped into the Mura River, resulting from copper and uranium mining. Cobalt mining, likewise, has resulted in contamination of nearby water sources: in Tshangalale Lake, close to cobalt mining towns, fish were found to have high levels of cobalt within them. Cobalt is, much like uranium, another radioactive material, adding to the contamination of drinking water and marine ecosystems.

These impacts aren’t limited to the environment or ecosystem – a study conducted in Lubumbashi in 2020 found that children of fathers with mining-related jobs were far more likely to have birth defects. In particular, exposure to toxic metals and minerals from mining increased the risk of developing conditions such as spina bifida and anencephaly. For the workers as well, the health impacts are drastic. Respiratory illness is particularly common due to exposure to air pollutants while mining, particularly radon, which has been known to cause lung cancer. Cobalt mining, as well, has been linked to pulmonary tuberculosis.

The Democratic Republic of Congo isn’t the only nation where cobalt, coltan, and similar minerals are mined, even if it is where the exploitation is the most severe. Thus, it isn’t the only nation to suffer as a result of it. In Chile, Calama, which has been home to major copper mining, has three times the number of lung cancer incidences when compared to the nation as a whole. The issue of the exploitation in Congo isn’t one of particular minerals: it doesn’t matter whether or not it’s cobalt, copper, uranium, or lithium being sourced from the Congo. It doesn’t matter whether or not these minerals are being extracted for seemingly ‘environmentally conscious’ reasons. It doesn’t even matter who is doing the mining, as adults are not spared from the health impacts. This issue isn’t just an issue impacting Congo, or even an Africa-exclusive issue; imperialism in the DRC is a global issue and should be treated as such.

Written by Vernon Demir

References:

Peace or Exploitation? American Imperialism in the DRC

Peace or Exploitation? American Imperialism in the DRC

On June 27, 2025, the United States brokered a peace deal between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda; as part of it, thousands of Rwandan soldiers would withdraw from the DRC, and both states would develop a joint security mechanism. Following this, the foreign ministers of the DRC and Rwanda, alongside American Secretary of State Marco Rubio, officially signed a Declaration of Principles recognizing the boundaries of both nations and committing to “counter non-state armed groups and criminal organizations that threaten the Participants’ legitimate security concerns”. While American President Trump touted this as a major peace deal in the region, it included one major catch – as part of the deal, Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi conceded far greater access to Congolese minerals to the U.S., with this arrangement being referred to as “minerals for security”. This would mean that the United States would have far greater access to and control over mining operations in DRC, increasing imports of tin, cobalt, lithium, and copper at the expense of the people of Congo. This deal marks a recent increase in American presence and involvement in the DRC, but it isn’t fully new, either.

Shinkolobwe is a name foreign to most Americans, but its effects are very familiar. In 1915, Shinkolobwe became the site of radium mines and, more importantly, had vast deposits of uranium. While the presence of uranium, at first, was not as important, in 1942, this changed. The U.S. bought nearly 1,200 tons of uranium from the Belgian-owned mining company Union Miniere to be used as part of the Manhattan Project. This uranium would later be used in the development of the same nuclear bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.

The toll of the atomic bombs wasn’t limited to Japan. Operated by Belgium, minimal to no precautions were taken to protect the Congolese miners and the effects of this are seen today, although the U.S. no longer imports minerals from Shinkolobwe – birth defects are far more common in the region, and cities within the U.S. like St. Louis that processed the uranium from Shinkolobwe still experience higher rates of autoimmune disorders and blood diseases.

Donald Trump isn’t the first American president to be involved in the Congo as a whole, either. In 1960, President Dwight D. Eisenhower stated that he hoped that Patrice Lumumba, an independence figure and the first prime minister of the DRC, “would fall into a river full of crocodiles”. Later that same year, Eisenhower directed the CIA to assassinate Lumumba. Belgium had already been making efforts to destabilize the newly independent state of Congo – a few months before independence in 1960, Belgium privatized Union Miniere, retaining economic control of Katanga region, later helping their efforts to sow civil war between the region and Lumumba’s state – but these aims were bolstered heavily by the U.S. Secessionist leader of Katanga Moise Tshombe, for instance, received funding from the U.S. government. In Lumumba’s assassination, this collaboration was seen again.

In a meeting on August 18, Eisenhower advised CIA Director Allen Dulles to assassinate Lumumba. The U.S. proceeded by poisoning Lumumba’s toothpaste and food to kill him. In 1961, this wish came to fruition at the behest of a Belgian-backed firing squad.

Even after Lumumba’s assassination, the United States has remained deeply involved in Congo and in the exploitation of it. Within this very year, former President Joe Biden pushed and launched the Lobito Corridor project, which links various mining provinces in Angola, Zambia, and the DRC through an 800-mile stretch of railroad. Rather than benefiting Congolese people, the plan is focused on exporting minerals from the DRC; the center of the railroad is the ‘Copper Belt’, a region between Zambia and the DRC.

The recent deal has been met with scrutiny within the DRC, with many waiting to see what comes out of it. Michael Odhiambo, who works for Eirene, an international peace organization, in Uvira, DRC, has been critical of the deal in an interview with Al Jazeera. “There is fear that American peace may be enforced violently, as we have seen in Iran. Many citizens simply want peace, and even though this is dressed up as a peace agreement, there is fear it may lead to future violence that could be justified by America protecting its business interests.”

Although the U.S., unlike other imperial nations, never officially owned colonies in Africa, its consistent interference in the internal affairs of African nations, during and after the Cold War, as well as its exploitation of Africa as a whole, show that this was in name only. From direct CIA involvement in coups in Ghana and Congo to their efforts to undermine revolutionary leaders like Thomas Sankara in Burkina Faso to the economic exploitation of today, the U.S. was and is as much of an imperialist force in Africa as the U.K. and France.

Written by Vernon Demir

DRC Arrest Of Senior FARDC Officers

DRC: Arrest Of Senior FARDC Officers: The Congolese Army Speaks Out

The army has issued a statement following several rumors, reports and speculation about the arrest of several officers, including General Christian Tshiwewe, accused of collaborating with the former head of state, Joseph Kabila, to destabilize Kinshasa. Although the army spokesman did not mention his case, he brushed aside rumors of unfounded arrests by referring to fake news.

"For some time, there have been a lot of rumors and fake news," said General Sylvain Ekenge, spokesman for the FARDC responding to questions from a journalist on national television.

"I am very surprised by these rumors on social networks. I came here as a free man", said Lieutenant General Jean-Claude Kifwa, one of the alleged detainees.

The spokesman for the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo has also announced on Friday that he will hold a press briefing on Saturday 12 July to discuss the news of the arrest of generals and senior officers, with the aim of clarifying the situation and providing official details. But this briefing didn't happen finally. Officially, the press conference will be organized very soon but sources near this topic said that the army is still investigating on its many superior officers including Christian Tshiwewe, the former Chef of the army.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

DRC: Secretary General of the CENCO On The Washington Agreement

DRC: Secretary General of the CENCO On The Washington Agreement

The Washington Agreement between the DRC and Rwanda does not take sufficient account of the fundamental elements of the conflict - Donatien Nshole

At a conference in Kinshasa on Friday, Bishop Donatien Nshole, secretary general of the Congo National Episcopal Conference (CENCO), stressed the need to tackle the root causes of conflict if there is to be any hope of lasting peace in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

"In a peace process, if you don't look for the root causes, you won't do anything at all", said Bishop Nshole, underlining the limits of superficial approaches that only treat the symptoms of the repeated crises in the east of the country.

Referring to the peace agreement signed on 27 June in Washington between the DRC and Rwanda, he expressed his skepticism. In his view, this agreement does not take sufficient account of the fundamental elements of the conflict. He called for a more comprehensive approach, incorporating social, historical and community aspects.

Bishop Nshole also spoke about the social pact for peace and good living together, promoted by CENCO and the Church of Christ in Congo (ECC). "This pact is intended to inspire governments, scientists and committed citizens to build a shared vision for the future of the Congo", he explained. He believes that this initiative could become a reference for the various political families, by promoting a dialogue informed by local knowledge and experience.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

An African Leviathan – Azikiwe, Lumumba and the Congo

Front-and-centre, or side-by-side? The question of the Congo’s place in African anti-colonial struggles has varied in answer from thinker to thinker. As covered previously, Nkrumah, the first President of Ghana, believed that the Congo stood as the “Heart of Africa” and was therefore at the forefront of African liberation. However, not every thinker shared this opinion and instead believed that the Congo’s place was on a more equal level of importance to its neighbours. One such thinker was Nnamdi Azikiwe, the First President of Nigeria and the father of Nigerian nationalism.

Nnamdi Azikiwe (1904-1996) was born in Zungeru in Niger state to Igbo parents. Attending primary and secondary schools in Onitsha, Calabar, and Lagos, Azikiwe was exposed to all three major Nigerian cultures, learning more about Nigeria’s position in the world upon moving to the US for university and later travelling to Ghana for early employment. After returning to Nigeria in 1937, Azikiwe founded the Nigerian Youth movement and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) which supported him as he was elected to the Nigerian Legislative council and later emerged victorious during the 1959 federal elections. These elections were key in securing Nigerian independence from the United Kingdom’s colonial control, asserting Nigeria’s capacity for self-rule, and demonstrating their demands for freedom from European imperialism. Despite his focus on Nigerian politics, Azikiwe also looked outwards to the rest of Africa, foreseeing a collaborative push between African states for the total liberation of the continent from colonial powers.

Azikiwe’s anti-colonial thought rested on a few principles, insisting upon the right of an African state to sovereignty, non-interference, and to federate (or confederate) with whom they chose. The state of African nations was a source of despair for Azikiwe, who likened the continent to a “ham which has been carved by the sword of European imperialism.” The Nigerian leader believed that if matters were placed totally and wilfully into the hands of African countries by Europe, the continent would prosper. Most importantly, Azikiwe believed in the right of African states of equality of sovereignty irrespective of size and population, opposing any hierarchy of importance between African countries. For these foundational beliefs, Azikiwe believed that the independence of Africa came from the formation of an African Leviathan from a collaboration among African states, calling for Nigeria to “co-operate closely with the other independent African states” to form the political bloc needed to push out colonial influences. While still supportive of African liberation and the Congo’s independence, Azikiwe’s ideals put an emphasis on equal collaboration among African states as the method towards true African freedom, instead of the fateful sway of any state, as Nkrumah believed for the Congo.

Lumumba’s own philosophy aligned with much of Azikiwe’s thought, similarly believing in an egalitarian attitude to the importance of African Liberation. In a speech at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, in 1959, Lumumba stated that “Africa will not be truly free and independent as long as any part of this continent remains under foreign domination”, placing all African states on an even plane of importance. The Congolese leader was also of the same opinion that it was colonialism and its facets of control that “seriously hinder the flowering of a harmonious and fraternal African society,” seeking their removal to allow Africa to bloom. Lumumba similarly sought the unity of Africans in popular movements or unified parties to “demonstrate our brotherhood to the world” and fight against the balkanisation of Africa into weak states at the mercy of the West, a sentiment parallel to Azikiwe’s own comparison of a balkanised Africa to a carved ham in its revulsion at the predatory colonial division of Africa.

While Azikiwe’s thoughts on the Congo Crisis itself remain unknown, it can be assumed through his philosophy, that the secession of Katanga under Tshombe and the brutal military involvement of Belgium, the UN and allied countries would have been taken as a mark of disrespect to the integrity of Africa and its right to federate or confederate without influence. The involvement of Nigerian military forces in peacekeeping operations solidifies notions of favouring an Africa-led response to intra-African conflict and the camaraderie of African states through the support offered to the Congolese government by Nigerian forces.

Despite records never hinting at a meeting between the two leaders, Azikiwe and Lumumba clearly shared a vision of an Africa free from European domination and believed in similar pillars for African inter-state collaboration moving forward. Whether the vanguard of liberation or a willing member of an egalitarian community, the Congo’s independence was and is a matter of importance to Pan-Africanists from all walks of the ideology. Today, the Congo faces the same challenges to its rightful sovereignty, territorial integrity and freedoms as it faced during the crisis of the 60s. Irrespective of which pan-Africanist ideologue you follow, there is no question about the independence of the Congo; its protection is essential to the anti-colonial struggle, and it must be freed from the grasp of colonial and neo-colonial influences.

Written by Alex Temmink

The Heart Of Africa- Nkrumah On The Congo

If touched upon within education, African anti-colonial thinkers are often placed in a political vacuum, artificially isolated from neighbouring contemporaries within wider continental dialogues. The effects of collaboration among African ideologues on pan-Africanist thought are often left out of records, constructing a false atmosphere where African anti-colonialists acted alone against European imperialism instead of together. This phenomenon risks the omission of key interactions between popular African leaders and the connections made between their struggles for independence.

Notably, Nkrumah, the revolutionary first President of Ghana, was a marked supporter of Lumumba and a Free Congo. Nkrumah is construed as the founding father of Ghana and the main leader behind Ghana’s role in the wider pan-Africanist movement, but little is said about his interactions with fellow leaders. Nkrumah saw the Congo as “the Heart of Africa” – a vital region that formed a buffer state between a growingly independent Africa in the North and a South controlled by imperialists. To Nkrumah, the Congo stood as a decisive factor in the fight between neo-imperialism and Pan-Africanism, marking the victory of either party depending on which way the country swayed. Resultantly, the freedom of the Congo from imperialist influence became a matter of significant importance for Ghana’s president and Pan-Africanism at large, underwritten by the leader’s “fervent hope” to rally Africa to his ideology.

This political leaning brought Nkrumah into close contact with Patrice Lumumba, who shared in his ideals of African freedom, unity, and independence. Lumumba’s own experiences in Accra during the All-African People’s conference of 1958 had added a stark Pan-African dimension to his Congolese nationalism and fostered a close relationship between him and Nkrumah, referring to one another as brothers in official correspondences. Lumumba and Nkrumah often discussed how the Congo could be structured to best repel imperialist influence, with Nkrumah often encouraging a strong unitary governmental system for the Congo as a means of preventing neo-imperialist meddling through the exploitation of federal systems, an omen for events soon to come.

During the Congo Crisis of the 60s, Nkrumah attempted to push for “African self-respect” in peace-keeping matters by sending a solely African force to prevent conflict, also transporting an unprecedented level of foreign aid to the Congo at “almost every level of government”, according to Opoku Agyeman, including medical and civic support. To the Ghanaian president, this backing was a matter of principle, stating in a 1960 UN General Assembly meeting that “to damage the prestige and authority of that [Lumumba’s] government would be to undermine the whole basis of democracy in Africa”, denouncing the belligerence of the West and Western-backed rebels against the legitimate central Congolese government as an extension of how far colonial powers would go to maintain their domination “in one form or another in Africa.”

Nkrumah’s plans of an Afro-centric response to the Congo Crisis were short-lived, eventually being pushed out by a mix of UN, European, US, and US-backed forces who chose to support Mobutu and his pro-western sentiments. The betrayal of the UN and Lumumba’s later assassination at the hands of these parties was a source of considerable grief for Nkrumah, stating in a broadcast on the 14th of February 1961 that the loss of Lumumba was an illegal power grab by the rulers of the US, UK, France and other powers allied with Belgium as well as a “loss for the whole African continent.”

Despite knowing each other for a short time, the interactions between Lumumba and Nkrumah appeared to have a profound effect on the politics of Ghana, Congo and continental Pan-Africanism, highlighting an often-overlooked connection between African struggles to be rid of colonial influences. What’s important to keep in mind when analysing the Congo or any other Black African nation is that their struggles rarely exist in a void and are often emblematic of larger conflicts, be it ideological, economic, or social. The Congo is the heart of Africa, so ask yourself, what does it tell you when the heart is under attack?

Written by Alex Temmink

Washington Agreement:  Another shattered hope

In the presence of US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, the foreign ministers of the Democratic Republic of Congo, represented by Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, and of Rwanda, Olivier Nduhungirehe, signed the pre-agreement on peace in Washington on Friday. While this agreement is generating hope and acclaim at international level, it is an unprecedented step backwards that could be signed in 2025 with full understanding of the problem. After reading the "agreement" or "capitulation", this editorial focuses on the three following points.

1. The failure of Tshisekedi regime to solve the problem and using lying propaganda:

His administration failed to put even one or two interests of Congolese people in that accord. This is a shame because for sure wise people here in Congo didn't expect nothing but not the capitulation of Kinshasa to all needs of Congolese people. It is a sad day for Congo because there is no withdrawal of Rwandan’s militaries. The M23 is like a Congolese matters instead all confirmed information of the Rwanda fueling that conflict. At the same time, there is propaganda here in Kinshasa done medias of the regime to present that accord as a result of highest diplomacy and this will save the country from this unjustified war against DR Congo.

2. The interest of the Tshisekedi regime instead of Congolese needs:

In the Congolese opinion, it is clear about the expectations. Withdrawal of Rwanda army from Congolese territory, liberation of occupied territory, suits to people who killed civilians and did others crimes, justice and dignity for Congolese victims who still suffered from tree decades now, the impossibility for any rebellion to integrate the army (with even a law) ...

But no one, no one of those points where in this agreement. The only thing is the capitulation, the surrender of victims to the aggressor. Only interest is the continuing of the regime, which were menace by the M23 (a Rwanda creation) to finish with Tshisekedi administration. Now they will be dealing with Rwanda and USA by trampling Congolese people, millions of Congolese killed hearts in need of justice and alive victims and survivors which will be ignored by this agreement.

3. A step back to the Goma accord:

Probably many people can analyze it like this but it is the same accord which were signed in Goma between the Congolese government and the CNDP (a Rwanda creation, father of the M23) with the Same narrative and which destroyed and injected Rwandans actors at all highest security instances in DR Congo.

Integration of Militias (only of CNDP) in the army with more power and more privilege than Congolese soldiers who served for decades under the flag, refusing giving justice to victims, take non-Rwandan militias as enemy and not include them in the process,...

We all know the results was a army to keep killing his citizens, keep protecting criminals and create a sentiment of injustice, encouraging to take weapons against the country and most of all the controlling by Rwanda's proxy of important mines in the east.

It is a bad step back

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

DRC-Rwanda, Kigali has not stopped sponsoring M23

DRC-Rwanda, Kigali has not stopped sponsoring M23

While the peace agreement between the DRC and Rwanda signed on 27 June 2025 in Washington raises hopes of a de-escalation, the internal dynamics of the AFC/M23 and its growing foothold in the east of the DRC cast major doubt over the success of the process. 

The Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC/M23) is going through a period of internal turbulence that could have an impact on the dialogue taking place in Doha, Qatar, because of differences of opinion. A confidential report by the UN Group of Experts reveals that controversial appointments within the group and the announcement of the return of former president Joseph Kabila to the DRC via Goma have rekindled deep divisions between rival factions.

According to the report dated 20 April 2025, tensions are intensifying between the so-called "historic" Rwandan and Ugandan factions that make up the heterogeneous structure of the AFC/M23. This dissension is said to have prompted the Rwandan government, the movement's main supporter, to consider appointing former general Laurent Nkunda to a strategic post within the rebellion in order to "restore cohesion and strengthen popular support". "Corneille Nangaa, initially presented as the political face of the AFC/M23 to reframe the rebellion as a Congolese problem, has been gradually sidelined by #Rwanda. The main reason for this change is Nangaa's personal ambition to seize power in Kinshasa by force. While Rwanda and the M23 supported the idea of regime change, they were not in favor of a military campaign aimed at Kinshasa", says the UN experts report. "Internal tensions have arisen within the AFC/M23, exacerbated by disputed internal appointments and the controversial announcement of the return of former president Joseph Kabila to eastern DRC. To restore unity, Kigali is reported to have planned to appoint Laurent Nkunda, who is under sanctions, to an important post", says the report.

Kigali leading military operations

"Similarly, RDF operations were decisive in securing control of Bukavu, which was taken without urban combat [on 16 February]", the report summarizes. Other towns were conquered with RDF support, such as Lubero and Walikale. Their withdrawal from Walikale was then decided "on the direct orders of the Rwandan government, which once again confirms Rwanda's control and command of the AFC/M23", say the reporters.

In a meeting with the press in Kigali on Friday 04 July 2025, Rwandan President Paul Kagame added: "Rwanda will always do what it has to do when the FDLR is along its border." This speech comes as the Rwandan-backed M23 rebellion controls the provinces of North and South Kivu.

"The military and political leaders of the AFC/M23 continued to receive instructions and support from the Rwandan government and its intelligence services. The Rwandan-Congolese Fred Ngenzi Kagorora and Brigadier General Patrick Karuretwa maintained frequent contact with Makenga, Bisimwa and "Colonel" Imani Nzenze", states the report of the group of experts submitted to the sanctions committee of the United Nations Security Council.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma