On Tuesday 10 February, the Armed Forces of the DRC (FARDC) and the Ugandan army (UPDF) held a meeting in Beni, the provisional capital of North Kivu, to assess their joint operations against ADF rebels, launched in November 2021. Discussions focused on strengthening the coordination of actions carried out in the territories of Beni and Lubero in North Kivu, as well as in Ituri.

Lieutenant-General Ychalingonza Nduru Jacques, Deputy Chief of Staff of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) in charge of operations, chaired a working session of high strategic importance. He was joined by his Ugandan counterpart, Lieutenant-General Kayanja Muhanga, Commander of the Uganda People's Defense Forces (UPDF) Land Forces, as well as the main commanders of the operational sectors of both countries.

Both generals acknowledged progress in tracking down the ADF-MTN-ISCARP. Ugandan troops have been present on Congolese soil since 30 November 2021, following Kampala's decision to support Kinshasa in the fight against the ADF, a threat to both countries. Despite these joint efforts, more than four years after the launch of operations, the armed group remains active and appears to have increased its violence, extending its actions to at least four territories in the east of the country: Beni, Lubero, Irumu and Mambasa.

In recent days, the territory of Lubero appears to be the epicentre of the violence, being the most affected by recent attacks. On Tuesday night, a new incursion was reported towards Mbau, in the territory of Beni. Faced with this persistent threat, the FARDC and UPDF are now focusing on better coordination to reverse the trend and secure the region.

Operation Shujaa "Operation of the Brave" is a joint military offensive conducted by the Uganda People's Defense Forces (UPDF) and the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC). Launched on November 30, 2021, the operation's primary objective is to dismantle the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), an Islamic State-affiliated insurgent group operating in the eastern DRC.

But beyond these operations, several observers in the DRC fear stagnation. These operations have been ongoing for four years now, and there are always new prospects. The Uganda People's Defense Forces have now deployed far from the shared border and are setting up in major cities such as Butembo, Beni and Bunia. They are intervening in regions such as Mahagi, where there is no terrorist threat, without really explaining their presence.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

A group of Congolese lawyers and human rights defenders, alongside NGOs, has asked the Constitutional Court to annul the strategic partnership agreement signed with the United States on December 4, 2025. Their petition was filed on Wednesday, June 21, 2025, at the offices of the Constitutional Court of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The "Washington Agreement on Strategic Minerals" refers to a strategic partnership signed in December 2025 between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the United States, aimed at regulating US access to critical minerals (cobalt, copper, etc.) to secure supply chains for the benefit of the US market.

"The aforementioned agreement was never submitted to the Congolese people, as the primary sovereign authority, nor was its content disclosed," states the petition. "The people find it difficult to know what the Congolese state has actually committed to, and what the interests and future consequences of this agreement are; In short, our ability to manage our strategic minerals and our sovereignty are being undermined," the document continues.

"The DRC is offering manganese, copper-cobalt, and lithium assets to American investors as part of a minerals agreement. Washington is seeking to reduce its dependence on China for critical minerals," Reuters reports in one of its investigations.

The Constitutional Court has received the petition. It remains to be seen what will become of this request. In the DRC, the Constitutional Court has supreme authority to review the constitutionality of international treaties and agreements, ruling on their conformity with the Constitution prior to ratification, thereby ensuring that these acts do not violate the country's fundamental laws, and ensuring the balance of powers during their validation.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

(image from: World Bank / Vincent Tremeau)

A classroom in Congo is not always one with four walls and unlimited resources for learning. Often, it is children sitting under trees, sharing their pencils and listening to an older sibling who has taught themselves the basics of mathematics. Yet, despite these challenges, education in Congo has remained a symbol of hope and resilience among families and the youth, proving to be a source of power that drives the future forward.

As a result of prioritizing elite schooling during colonial rule, this system has been inherited over time and is now a factor in the situation in the DRC. Economic decline and policy adjustments after independence left education underfunded and with a lack of attention, and the school system weakened over the years ¹. As a result of the dwindling system, today’s crisis is not just a result of recent conflict, but rather an issue deeply rooted in systematic failure.

For decades, poverty and conflict have disrupted and pushed down the rates at which education is achieved among children in the DRC. Even when physical locations for schools exist, several are damaged and overcrowded, especially struggling with a lack of teachers.

According to UNESCO, the primary education completion rate was at an average of 82.5% between boys and girls². With numbers dropping sharply after that, the completion rates for lower secondary education are only over half for girls, and around 63% for boys. For tertiary education, 5% of women and 8% of men were enrolled in 2020, leaving millions without adequate learning to pursue work and a better future.

Armed violence has displaced millions of children, forcing them into refugee camps with an even greater lack of educational resources. In fact, UNICEF data shows that over 6.5 million people, including 2.6 million children, are displaced in this region³. Because of the destruction that has come upon schools, almost 800,000 children are being deprived of an education just in North and South Kivu. When combined with the data from Ituri Province, this number skyrockets to 1.6 million children in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo who are now out of school.

Even if children may gain access to schooling, the challenge remains of the quality of learning. Congo faces extreme teacher shortages, with even the existing teachers not having adequate training. This means that even the few who get to attend have a limited quality of education, depriving them of a fair chance of pursuing higher learning. Moreover, the inadequate compensation teachers receive drives the crisis even lower. Salaries are notably low, with primary and secondary education staff earning about $100 per month⁴. This compels teachers to seek other sources of income, diverting their focus from education to a job to properly provide for themselves and their families. Statistics show that for one qualified educator, there are multiple classrooms without any staff⁵.

Despite these struggles, Congolese communities have come together to show strong resilience. Volunteers, parents, and teachers have created informal classrooms in churches, refugee camps, or open spaces to encourage the continuation of learning. In many places, young people who have managed to stay in school step up to help children, ensuring no child is left behind and making the most of their time to keep learning alive. In some areas, older students step in as tutors, sharing what they know to ensure younger children don’t fall behind. These efforts reflect remarkable persistence and hopefulness in a time of distress.

As an effort by the Congolese government to address the education crisis, the government launched a free primary schooling policy in September 2019, taking a step towards removing tuition barriers for children⁶. Though the implementation of this is not without struggle -including corruption- the DRC remains committed to the policy, increasing the cut of their federal budget that goes to education. In fact, between 2017 and 2021, the budget rose from 11.6% to 21.8%, followed by a national census to identify teachers to provide better salaries. This has given rise to the enrollments in primary and secondary schools across the country, with data showing at least 3 million additional enrollments⁷.

Moreover, several organizations such as BEBUC and the Global Partnership for Education have worked alongside local educators to train teachers and rebuild education structures. They have promoted the development of learning centers, even if they are not in the form of a physical school building. Not only do these efforts restore education, but they also protect children from being pulled into armed groups. Education in the DRC has become more than just learning; instead, it is hope, protection, and support for those traumatized by violence. The endeavors taken by the DRC communities, whomever they may be, have contributed to a step towards a stronger future.

Written by Vedica Chudiwale

1^ https://doi.org/10.23916/0020230845230
2^ https://www.iicba.unesco.org/en/congo-democratic-republic-drc
3^https://www.unicef.ch/en/current/news/2025-02-17/drc-violence-and-displacement-deprive-hundreds-thousands-children-schooling
4^ https://laboursolidarity.org/en/africa/n/3279/the-struggles-of-teachers-in-the-democratic-republic-of-congo?
5^https://teachertaskforce.org/blog/how-teachers-keep-students-learning-one-most-difficult-places-world-go-school?
6^ https://blogs.worldbank.org/en/education/free-primary-schooling-drc-where-we-are-road-reform?
7^ https://reliefweb.int/report/democratic-republic-congo/covid-19-school-closures-drc-impact-health-protection-and-education

The streaks of paint that run through the walls of Congo tell a story of a revolution towards freedom; freedom from societal expectations and from the challenges of everyday life in the Congo. Where the burden of deep colonial history can be felt, it is difficult to find freedom from the present. Painting and art in general, in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, have become a means to unite cultural identity and transform it into a form of creativity. Through music, murals, and sculptures, people in the DRC have transformed struggle into expression by creating beauty from adversity, serving as a poignant reminder of imaginative resistance.

Much of the significance behind Congolese art can be traced back to its colonial history. As Belgian colonial policies reduced art to solely craft, its cultural significance was stripped and distorted¹. Belgian rule introduced an educational system that replaced Indigenous cultural frameworks with European systems, suppressing artistic tradition and restricting creative freedom. After independence, the long past of instability and economic decline left cultural institutions unrecognized and underfunded, creating a gap that required fulfillment through identity and memory². Modern Congolese artists stepped in to rebuild memory, using rhythm, movement, and expression through art.

Art in modern Congo is an expression of daily life, used to respond to the political and social climate in a subtle yet profound way. It’s a transformative means through which citizens can protest against poverty, conflict, and corruption, while sharing with the world their fashion and aspects of their daily lives³. The nature of Congolese art is commentary and survival in itself; a living archive of resilience that preserves memories and identities. A notable example of this is artist Cheri Samba, whose paintings depict life in Africa. With art pieces such as ‘Water Problem’ (2004) and ‘Hope Keeps You Going’ (1997), Samba notes his art is “a way of not allowing freedom of interpretation to the person who looks at [Samba’s] painting.”⁴

On the other hand, several music artists from history embrace Congolese rumba, typically aiming at creating music embedded with political commentary. For example, Papa Wemba was a music artist who played Congolese rumba and soukous, a genre of dance music originating from the Democratic Republic of Congo. Called the “King of Rumba Rock,” Wemba not only had an important role in world music, but he also was a fashion icon central in promoting La Sape, a youth movement that promoted fashion to cultural identity for Congolese youth⁵.

Moreover, Taby Ley Rochereau was another Congolese singer who specialized in African jazz. His music combined indigenous instruments, Latin dance beats, and several western arrangements⁶. By blending elements from several different cultures, Rochereau became one of the country’s most popular singers. In fact, he even made African music international following the rise in popularity of his band Afrisa International.

Today, Congolese art sits at a crossroad where tradition intersects heavily with global modernity. Artists like Fally Ipupa, Innoss’B, and Maître Gims all embody that combination thoroughly. Together, the sounds of rumba, ndombolo, soukous, Afrobeats, and western pop create a style of music that resonates across the world, far beyond the borders of the Democratic Republic of Congo. Even as bands like Afrisa International or artists like Cheri Samba achieve international fame, their work remains deeply rooted in the cultures and identities of those from home, reflecting the country's struggles with conflict and political uncertainty. Simultaneously, it emphasizes Congo's pride and resilience, exemplifying the endless creativity among its native people. Through their music and paintings, artists offer an image of Congo that circulates honesty and hopefulness, proving Congolese music as a cultural force that carries the weight of the promise of a brighter tomorrow.

Written by Vedica Chudiwale

References:

1. https://news.artnet.com/art-world/kinshasa-congo-2164769
2. https://www.britannica.com/place/Democratic-Republic-of-the-Congo/The-arts
3. https://www.on-curating.org/issue-49-reader/painting-in-the-democratic-republic-of-the-congo-culture-and-identity.html
4. https://museemaillol.com/en/expositions/cheri-samba-in-the-jean-pigozzi-collection/
5. https://www.redbullmusicacademy.com/lectures/papa-wemba-lecture
6. https://realworldrecords.com/artists/tabu-ley-seigneur-rochereau/#:~:text=Tabu%20Ley%20Rochereau%20came%20to,electric%20guitars%20and%20westernised%20arrangements.

Toza Productions (2025)

Agriculture in the Democratic Republic of Congo is a lifeline for rebuilding communities amidst conflict. More than an economic activity, agriculture and farming are a stabilizing force that provides food and restores dignity after instability disrupts markets. Most farmers in Congo use knowledge passed down through generations to cultivate cassava, maize, plantations, and vegetables. Even as modern technology changes farm work, Congolese women and young people who work on these plots prioritize water. Specifically, they prioritize access to clean and safe drinking water, as this is a determining factor in crop health, community health, hygiene, and disease prevention. In places where these sources of water are contaminated or scarce, the challenge is evident through their daily lives, whether with cooking and farming, or caring for children. Yet, within the communities and past the borders of the country, innovators and NGOs work towards sustainable farming methods and rainwater harvesting systems that can provide a cleaner and safer future for families that depend on agriculture.

The Democratic Republic of Congo has more farms available than any other African country. Because of its proximity to the Congo River, which flows through the Congo Rainforest, agriculture becomes a primary activity for residents. With an estimated 80 million hectares of arable land and only 10% of which is used, the agricultural sector makes up for 18% of the country’s GDP, accounting for over 60% of jobs¹. The country’s diverse landscape provides opportunities for a wide diversity of crops, from coffee and cocoa in the east to palm oil cultivated in the western region.

Beyond the country's agricultural aspect, the differences between large plantations and smallholder farmers reveal a complexity within the landscape. On the one hand, smallholder farmers make up a majority of the agricultural workforce and rely on traditional tools, family labor, and passed-down knowledge. On the other hand, larger plantations have greater access to resources, including machinery and better markets. The effects of this imbalance are seen in productivity, income, and the ability to adapt in broader environments. As farming faces complications due to the various soil and climate differences across the region, skilled farmers are forced to broaden their skills to unfamiliar territories. For instance, where volcanic soils in the east support higher value crops like coffee, heavy rainfall and dense forests in the central basin create difficulties for maintaining soil fertility.

Moreover, decades of conflict have created an instability in Congo’s agricultural business, interrupting farming cycles and reducing production in areas where agriculture is the main part of people's lives. Despite the displacement forcing farmers to relocate, their resilience has been truly remarkable. Organizations such as Farm Africa have further provided a strong hand for rural communities to make a sustainable living through farming, and for developing a large-scale agroforestry program. As communities in Congo share resources and support each other, they, as well as the organizations that assist them, all play crucial roles in strengthening the community after conflict and restoring food production.

Furthermore, water infrastructure has remained an essential part of the agriculture process, often being the make-or-break factor of the cycle. In the Congo, seasonal rain patterns determine farming cycles, though an increase in the threat of climate change has made rainfall increasingly unpredictable. In fact, rainfall weeks have become even more intense, showing numbers of being 9-19% stronger since the past eighty years. This number is projected to increase to about 20-30% in the next fifty years, with the rainy seasons becoming rainier and the dry seasons becoming drier. Overall, this significantly disrupts crop growth, even becoming a concern for water availability and accessibility. Especially for women and children who are primarily responsible for collecting water for their household and farms, long distances to sources reduce time for income-generating activities and education. In response to these struggles, several community members have begun innovating and creating systems that could make lives easier for Congolese farmers. Primarily, low-cost irrigation systems help with crop maintenance during the dry seasons, and community nurseries for seeds preserve varieties in resistance to climate change. An increase in access to technology has provided citizens with essential mobile and weather apps that can help them predict the weather to better schedule farming patterns. External youth-led initiatives have introduced several tools, including digital mapping of water points to better locate sources, and small-scale solar pumps that support the environment and human health. Projects such as the CGIAR Fund, as part of the Alliance Biodiversity & CIAT organization, focus on transforming agrofood systems in regions of Congo in response to climate change.

Though climate change poses a significant threat to the DRC, the country holds immense potential to face this global issue. Its extensive forests store carbon, and its fertile soils can sustain proper agriculture. Even its rivers thoroughly support renewable energy. An increase in inventions like community wells and soil-friendly farming techniques has demonstrated how local innovation can transform global issues. This reduces the burden on those who rely on Congo’s agriculture, including the women and youth responsible for travelling long distances just for water. It improves crop reliability and variety, overall strengthening the bonds between communities. As they spread, they offer hope for the Democratic Republic of Congo and a green, sustainable future.

Written by Vedica Chudiwale

References:

• https://www.trade.gov/country-commercial-guides/democratic-republic-congo-agriculture
• https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S2211714825000482#:~:text=From%201991%20to%20the%20early,resource%20management%20in%20the%20region.
• https://cgspace.cgiar.org/items/aebba97b-9bca-4a61-a55f-3933314a9fe5
• https://knowledge4policy.ec.europa.eu/publication/congo-democratic-republic-country-climate-development-report_en?
• https://pulitzercenter.org/projects/drc-seeds-adapted-cope-climate-change?
• https://www.preventionweb.net/quick/76630
• https://reliefweb.int/node/4018086

1^ https://www.ambardcusa.org/invest-in-the-drc/industries/agriculture/

The Congo Basin is known to be the “lungs of the world” but is treated merely as a resource frontier rather than an ecological lifeline. As the Earth’s largest carbon sink, it has a major role in regulating atmospheric carbon, preserving biodiversity, and sustaining the lives of millions of local communities who need the forest to survive. The same governments and corporations that claim to protect the Basin actually are profiting from its degradation. This is evident as land from Congolese people has been stolen and damaged by mining and logging concessions that the government has allowed to occur. Additionally, carbon offset programs, which claim to protect the forest, are horribly regulated and provide excuses for the government to give indigenous land away to foreign interests, displacing and misleading communities. This article argues that the exploitation of the Basin, especially through “green” initiatives like REDD+, reveals patterns of the Congo’s governance prioritizing global markets over the rights of its indigenous communities.

Credits to: Unsplash+

The Congo Basin is known as the world’s largest remaining tropical carbon sink, with its immense number of trees and tropical plants, which allow it to absorb vast amounts of carbon. The basin spans roughly 500 million acres across six Central African countries: Cameroon, the Central African Republic (CAR), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), the Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, and Gabon. The region contains the largest area of rainforest with about 107 million hectares, and covers over 70% of Africa's tropical forests, making it a hotspot for biodiversity. This can be seen through its housing more than 600 tree species and over 10,000 animal species. Despite its ecological significance, the region faces numerous threats of high degrees of poaching and escalating rates of forest degradation and deforestation. Additionally, the global demand for the basin's natural resources such as wood, oil, gas, diamonds, gold, iron, and coltan has risen significantly. As a result, a large and growing percentage of the Congo Basin is under concession to logging and mining companies such as Glencore (Switzerland), Ivanhoe Mines (Canada), Eurasian Resources Group (Kazakhstan), Zijin Mining and CNOC Group (China), MMG Limited (China/Australia), and Trafigure (Singapore/Switzerland). Companies extracting materials often rely on subsistence methods, imposing severe damage to the keystone region. To make matters worse, powerful state actors such as China, Rwanda, Belgium, Uganda, and the USA/EU have continuously viewed the region as merely a way to make profit, causing several harmful mining initiatives to exploit Congolese people.

With a regional population estimated to be over 157 million people, housing over 150 ethnic communities, the Congo Basin is vital to human life. For groups such as the BaMbuti, Efe, and BaAka, the forest is an essential lifeline; it is a home of food, materials, medicine, and shelter. The region's rapid increase in population has placed an especially large pressure on maintaining the Basin’s natural resources and ecosystems for the over 60 million individuals that directly depend on it for survival. As logging and mining have expanded in the Congo, the resulting displacement has created not only economic instability but also serious damage to culture. Congolese who are culturally tied to the land have had their right to it; mining operations have led to restrictions on land. This has caused an undermining of their farming, hunting, and medicinal needs and practices, breaking communities away from systems that have sustained them for hundreds of years. Additionally, many communities are not properly informed of mining or logging projects and are typically promised schools and infrastructure, which they never actually receive. This pattern of displacement is not only present in mining but has re-emerged through conservation and carbon offset projects.

Credits to: Markus Spiske, Unsplash.com

Currently, the same governments and organizations that claim to protect the Basin through conservation and climate initiatives are just ploys to exploit indigenous land for profit. Although REDD+ programs seem to provide solutions to climate change and deforestation, in actuality, their incredibly weak oversight and lack of transparency have made them commonly manipulated for financial gain. Instead of being treated as tools for local environmental protection, carbon credits are serving as commodities in international markets, creating a cover-up for companies to hide their emissions. In the Democratic Republic of Congo, the DRC Ministry of Environment has allowed for logging, mining, and conservation operations to occur without Congolese consent. This has caused a harmful and unjust reallocation of indigenous land to foreign-controlled companies, depriving the Congolese people of rights to their own land. Profits from resource extraction and carbon markets flow largely to investors in the North, whereas, despite losing land crucial to their survival, indigenous groups receive little to no share of profits. Governments and corporations justify their projects by promising opportunities such as schools, employment, healthcare, and infrastructure to Congolese people. However, these promises have never actually been fulfilled. As a result, through these projects, local communities are left with restricted land access, an erosion of their culture, and extreme economic hardship.

A prime example of indigenous exploitation is the Yafunga case. Yafunga is a village in Isangi territory where about 8000 people rely on farming and fishing for a living. Since 2004, the land that belonged to the Yafunga people has been inaccessible to its inhabitants, first due to a logging concession through the Safbois company, and later, a carbon offsetting project managed by Jadora. The Chiefs of the Yafunga had signed agreements to the land without full disclosure, allowing for indigenous consent to be missing. Safbois had promised schools, healthcare, roads, and jobs, but delivered almost nothing. A singular school was built but is now run down, and no hospitals, roads, or any other infrastructure were ever delivered. Ownership for both Safbois and Jadora was eventually transferred to the rich American Blattner family. More than 565,000 hectares (comparably the size of Delaware) were controlled by the Blattners in Isangi alone. The Blattner family exploited the residents of Yafunga and at least 30 other villages in the DRC’s territory. Residents were not informed of the REDD+ project until 2019, 15 years after the project had begun. Due to this exploitation, indigenous residents bear extreme environmental and economic costs, along with displacement from centuries-old connections to their land.

Credits to: Planet Volumes, Unsplash.com

The crisis in the Congo basin reveals how “green” solutions are not inherently ethical. Interestingly enough, carbon offset and conservation programs produce the same patterns of exploitation as corrupt mining and logging concessions in the Basin. This is a result of certain profit-hungry government officials who refuse to take accountability for their actions. Readers must examine who actually benefits from carbon markets and if indigenous communities are actually being informed of activities in the Basin, not misled with false promises. Indigenous communities must maintain their right to their land because it is their home, and no corrupt government or corporation should be able to take that from them. We cannot allow the world’s largest carbon sink to be placed in the hands of individuals who do not care if it deteriorates. As a result, government and corporate actors must be held accountable for their actions. This can only be accomplished through better oversight, an increase in protections for indigenous land, and more transparent carbon markets. If the Congo Basin collapses, this will not just affect the Congo but the entire world because of its global climate significance. As a result, readers must demand global action to guarantee the Basin’s preservation.

Written by Vatsala Dogra

Source List

• Mongabay
• Congo Rain Forest and Basin | PlacesWorld Wildlife Fundhttps://www.worldwildlife.org › places › congo-basin
• Journey into the Congo Basin – The Lungs of Africa and ...World Bankhttps://www.worldbank.org › news › feature › 2022/10/24
• https://www.congolandscapes.org/about
• https://www.cifor-icraf.org/knowledge/publication/8700/
• https://pulitzercenter.org/stories/carbon-credits-congo-cost-capture-part-1
• https://mines.cd/rdc-metalkol-kcc-mumi-ces-societes-de-glencore-visees-par-une-serie-denquetes-pour-corruption-et-blanchiment-des-capitaux/
• https://mines.cd/rdc-la-production-de-kamoa-kakula-a-baisse-suite-a-linstabilite-dans-la-fourniture-en-electricite/
• https://mines.cd/jacques-kyabula-implique-dans-le-vol-de-120-tonnes-de-cathode-de-cuivre-de-tfm/
• https://mines.cd/exploitation-artisanale-de-minerais-strategiques-remis-a-litie-pour-publication-laccord-egc-trafigura-ne-viole-pas-les-lois-sur-la-concurrence/
• http://congomines.org/

In Kinshasa, as in the rest of the country, several actors are clashing over the holding of a political dialogue. While some argue that it is an opportunity, others see it as a snub to share power.

"The priority today is first and foremost to restore the integrity of the territory of the Democratic Republic of Congo and peace. I think that once we have put an end to this aggression, only then will we be able to talk to each other (in the context of a dialogue)," says Dr Denis Mukwege, Nobel Peace Prize winner and candidate in the last elections in 2023.

The Framework for Consultation between Political and Social Forces believes that dialogue must take place, but not with Félix Tshisekedi as the sole decision-maker, as he is one of the architects of the current crisis.

"It is not for the President of the Republic, who is a party to the conflict and a central player in the current crisis, to decide unilaterally on the venue, the organizational arrangements, participation, conduct or scope of the national dialogue debates," the organization believes.

"The Framework for Consultation between Political and Social Forces reaffirms its commitment to a truly inclusive political dialogue, mediated by a neutral, credible and independent party, as proposed by the ECC-CENCO Joint Mission and validated by the African Union," said a press release published by this political organization close to the opposition.

Mgr Donatien Nshole, spokesperson for the National Episcopal Conference of Congo, believes that the dialogue must bring together actors from all over, and especially from outside the country. "The inclusive dialogue must take place outside the country, for security reasons," he said on a Kinshasa radio station.

Josué is an activist with Lucha. For him, dialogue should not be used to strengthen those who have committed crimes. "While dialogue is an essential tool for national cohesion, it must not under any circumstances become a platform for impunity where the executioners of yesterday and today buy political virginity on the backs of their victims," he says.

"The country cannot be satisfied with a mere 'facade of dialogue' that would exclude key players and perpetuate a precarious balance between peace and impunity," says Ensemble pour la République, Moise Katumbi's political party.

Wait and see.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

The coalition Congo Not for Sale (CNPAV) is sounding the alarm about the agreement between the Anglo-Swiss company Glencore and Orion, an American company.

At the heart of the concerns expressed are the mining projects of Kamoto Copper Company (KCC) and Mutanda Mining, which the coalition links to the activities of businessman Dan Gertler, who was sanctioned by the US Treasury in 2017.

According to the CNPAV, "KCC and Mutanda regularly pay royalties to Dan Gertler following opaque transactions, reminding us that these sanctions had brought to light a system of corruption already documented by the US justice system," the text reads.

In this note, the coalition recalls that the Anglo-Swiss multinational Glencore, owner of the KCC and Mutanda mines in the DRC, was fined more than $150 million following an investigation in Switzerland into transactions in Congo. The company was found guilty of failing to prevent corruption involving its business partner Dan Gertler during the acquisition of stakes in the Mutanda and Kansuki mines in 2011.

The coalition also cites major financial losses for the DRC, estimating that these mechanisms allowed the businessman to continue to "rake in around $250,000 a day".

Beyond the Congolese case, the CNPAV is extending its warning to the track records of the companies concerned.

It points out that Glencore has acknowledged corruption in several countries and agreed to pay more than $1 billion in fines as part of international legal settlements, while Orion's track record in Africa, particularly in Guinea, "raises serious governance issues".

For the CNPAV, the companies involved in these negotiations and the mining operations concerned present serious risks of corruption. We therefore encourage the DFC to require, as a precondition to the transaction, that Dan Gertler divest his Congolese assets, and in particular that he waive his royalties from KCC and Mutanda, without any financial compensation," the statement said.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

In North Kivu province, as others parts of the Democratic Republic of Congo, mining activity continues unabated. However, behind the promises of development lies a bitter reality for the indigenous populations: that of imposed exploitation.

In the Bashu chiefdom, copper mining illustrates this persistent gap between the letter of the law and practice on the ground.

In a statement released on Monday 9 February 2026, climate activist and environmentalist Shabani Loswire pointed out that local communities are not mere spectators of the exploitation of their lands. "These local communities have a right, enshrined in Law No. 22/030 of 15 July 2022, which gives them the right to accept or reject any mining or forestry project for specific reasons.

On the ground, however, the reality is quite different. Companies obtain approval from the authorities and, in most cases, do not consult the local communities that will suffer the environmental consequences of any mining operation," he said.

This right is based on the principle of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). For Shabani, this process is not a mere administrative formality, but a bulwark against abuse, enabling communities to avoid land and social conflicts; take ownership of development projects; and understand and anticipate environmental impacts.

Bashu's recent history has been marked by the arrival of Graben Mining. The company, which holds an operating license, has set up operations in extremely sensitive areas.

According to local critics, the outcome of this presence reflects a denial of rights: no information was shared about the duration of the project, the nature of the contract or the actual environmental impacts. By acting without applying the CLPE, the company allegedly undermined the dignity of the communities, which are now facing the consequences of this exploitation.

Today, concern is growing with the announcement of an exclusive purchase and sale agreement signed by the American company Copper Intelligence to exploit copper from Butembo, sourced from the Bashu deposits.

"It is unacceptable that, in a region already ravaged by multiple forms of armed violence, resources are being sold off without those most affected having a say. In Bashu, for example, Graben Mining, the company that held the copper mining license at the time, set up operations and mined deposits in extremely sensitive areas without providing any information on the duration of the project, the nature of the contract or its impact. In other words, the company acted without applying the process of free, prior and informed consent (FPIC), a right recognized for local communities.

To date, an exclusive purchase and sale agreement has been signed by an American company, Copper Intelligence, to mine copper from Butembo, a deposit located in Bashu, a chiefdom plagued by multiple forms of armed violence.

The pattern seems to be repeating itself: agreements signed at the highest levels, approval from the authorities obtained in complete secrecy, and persistent silence towards local communities.

"The combined company, Copper Intelligence, formerly African Discovery Group, which purchased the license from Graben Mining, has announced that it has become the first independent company in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) to be listed on the US stock exchange" wrote Fiston Mahamba, a Congolese investigative journalist.

He adds: "According to documents from these organizations, several mining activities are being carried out by teams from the SAEMAPE [Support and Supervision Service for Small-Scale Artisanal Mining Operations] from the town of Butembo, accompanying miners supervised by Caucasians, but without involving the local population".

Before any operation can begin, it is imperative that Copper Intelligence and the relevant authorities break with past practices. Respect for the rights of the Bashu communities should involve: organizing a transparent meeting with all members of the community; providing comprehensive information on the risks and benefits of the project; and strictly implementing the preconditions set out by the inhabitants.

For Shabani Loswire, mining cannot be carried out at the expense of social peace and the environment. "The CLPE is not an option, it is a legal and moral obligation. It is time for the voice of Bashu to be heard before the first excavators tear up the soil of our ancestors once again."

Written by Azarias Mokonzi

As a Congolese citizen, my comments today are not aimed at any particular community. This is not about stigmatization, but rather a clear-headed analysis of the facts that threaten the integrity of our nation. For some time now, my research has revealed a brutal truth: the war in eastern DRC, involving the M23 in particular, goes far beyond the scope of a simple internal rebellion or rejection of the current government.

It is now clear that this conflict does not stem solely from President Tshisekedi's management, which we criticize on a daily basis. For more than thirty years, the DRC has been plagued by cycles of violence. In the past, Presidents Laurent-Désiré Kabila and Joseph Kabila faced similar challenges. This suggests that the pretexts put forward to justify the conflicts are complex and that the root causes are manifold.

An analysis of the dynamics of the conflict

The findings of numerous observers, including the June 2025 UN expert report, highlight a possible expansionist dynamic, perceived as a war of conquest and territorial occupation. The report suggests that certain actors are seeking to extend their influence and control over territories in the DRC. To conceal this ambition from the international community, it would appear that strategies are being put in place to weaken the country from within by supporting armed groups composed of Congolese nationals.

I personally witnessed a revealing conversation. In December 2023, in Kigali, during a conference on international humanitarian law, my questions about the legal nature of the conflict in the East provoked an intense reaction from one person present, who identified themselves as having been involved in the situation in Congo since the time of the AFDL and still active alongside the AFC-M23.

During a break, this person approached me with disconcerting frankness. They confided that, from their perspective, the conflict was "justified", arguing that certain Congolese territories historically belonged to other entities.

She also expressed concerns about the treatment of the Congolese Tutsi populations, presenting them as marginalized, and insisted, taking me for someone close to the government, that I convey a message to the Head of State: if a solution was not found for these populations, there would be a risk of these lands being annexed in order to 'protect' them. At the time, I underestimated this threat, thinking that the motivations for the conflict were mainly economic. Recent developments have shown that territorial issues are also an important factor. Recent history has shown me the complexity of the situation.

Later, this discourse found a disturbing echo. International figures relayed the theory that certain actors were fighting to reclaim land. This theory, far from being isolated, seems to be integrated into certain narratives and has been publicly mentioned by leaders.

The urgency of a unified approach

Faced with this complex situation and the risks of territorial integrity being compromised, our collective naivety, internal divisions and betrayals weaken our position. The risk of balkanization is real. I call on our political leaders to act responsibly. If we want to preserve the legacy of our borders, it is imperative that we put aside our differences. A power that seeks to impose itself by force without consideration for the people and the territory compromises stability. Similarly, an opposition that seeks the president's departure by any means, at the risk of leading a country stripped of its sovereignty, would be tragically blind.

Today, everyone seems to be fighting for their own interests, which weakens the national position. That is why the dialogue initiated by the Catholic prelates must not be a mere sharing of positions, but a historic opportunity to speak with one voice on the fundamental issues of sovereignty and territorial integrity.

In a serious nation, when sovereignty is at stake, internal quarrels should give way to the higher interests of the nation. It is possible to continue to criticize governance, but it is essential to maintain a united front in the face of external threats. Above all, it is a matter of preserving the land of our ancestors.

Written by Azarias Mokonzi

Azarias Mokonzi is an investigative journalist and independent political analyst (columnist). His research focuses on domestic and international law. He is the founder of the "Réveil Citoyen" movement, a think tank and awareness-raising organization based in Beni that combats the anti-values that plague Congolese society by promoting civic engagement.