The trial of Joseph Kabila by the Public Prosecutor's Office began this Friday 25 July 2025 before the High Military Court in Kinshasa. The former head of state, who led the country from 2001 to 2019, will face heavy charges including treason, war crimes and alleged support for the Alliance Fleuve Congo rebellion, a political movement that has joined forces with the M23, a rebellion supported by Rwanda.
This appearance comes two months after the Senate lifted his parliamentary immunity on 22 May. An unprecedented decision in Congolese political history, it opened the way for legal proceedings against the man who for nearly two decades was one of the most powerful men in the country.
According to the indictment, Joseph Kabila allegedly provided logistical and financial support to armed groups operating in the east of the country after his term of office, in particular the AFC/M23, which was involved in abuses in the east of the DRC.
In addition to crimes against peace and the security of humanity, participation in an insurrectional movement, high treason, intentional homicide by bullets, apology for criminal acts, rape, torture and deportation, Joseph Kabila is also being prosecuted for the open occupation of the town of Goma. The prosecution accuses him of alleged complicity in the rebellion that has occupied Goma for several months now.
The trial will be held under tight security and is expected to last several weeks, according to certain sources.
While Joseph Kabila's supporters denounce a "political persecution", his detractors are demanding justice on behalf of the victims of the conflicts that have bloodied the east of the DRC for two decades.
Despite the opening of the trial, the Honorary President's presence at the court remains unrecorded. This situation is reminiscent of his absence at a previous invitation to appear before the Senate to be heard before his immunities were lifted.
After declaring that the case had been referred to it, the military court received the civil party application from the Democratic Republic of Congo. The lawyers who had lodged this complaint at the hearing requested a postponement to enable them to study the case file and prepare their defense. The High Court granted this request and adjourned the case. The High Military Court adjourned the case until 31 July 2025.
This trial is already a major event, attracting widespread national and international attention. The outcome of this unprecedented case will inevitably have a profound impact on the political future of the Democratic Republic of Congo.
In considering how to proliferate development efforts and unity in a country, peacebuilding is looked upon as an integral part of reconciliatory processes in contexts of war and violence, particularly where injustices have occurred. Many of these injustices directly affect women who are treated as worthless pawns amidst political games, gambles, and conflicts. Yet, on the topic of peacebuilding in Congo, the treatment of women amidst conflict and generally in society is not foregrounded as a key element when thinking about reconciliation, memory, and moving forward. Much less discussion around peacebuilding. The DRC has seen multiple failed attempts at peacebuilding strategies, and such a recurrent outcome has raised questions concerning the sincerity of the multiple state and non-state actors involved in fostering peaceful dialogues. Recently, however, the light at the end of the tunnel seems to be more than a faint haze for the Congolese. Recent days have seen an unprecedented union between President Felix Tshisekedi of the DRC and politician Martin Fayulu, who fancied himself something of an opposition leader. Where a scathing attitude to Tshisekedi’s presidency was entrenched in Fayulu’s political discourse, as he believed his ‘electoral win’ was stolen from him by Tshisekedi in 2018, his contestations seem to have taken a turn, as both Fayulu and Tshisekedi have now found themselves in coalition against the endeavours of Joseph Kabila. Former president of the DRC, Kabila, continues inciting discord between Congolese people and working in alliance with Rwanda to portray the situation in Congo as a display of internal Congolese bickering, absolving Rwanda of its culpability and involvement.
Whether a ruse or a genuine desire for a partnership, Tshisekedi and Fayulu’s meeting may well mark a critical juncture in Congolese politics; this coalition sends a message throughout the country that being unified by a shared national identity and a desire for Congo’s development should trump the tribal tensions that have long constrained development in many areas and at various levels of society.
One of the most striking points raised in the dialogue was Fayulu’s call for “national cohesion”, expounding on the need to create a “camp for the homeland” which would prioritise the urgent needs of the Congolese people, concerns. This is particularly interesting in light of the peace agreement between Rwanda and the DRC. Where some have praised the efforts to get Rwanda to the negotiation table and reach a shared conclusion, others have condemned the agreement as a pitiful transaction that resulted in Congo being sold to America, just through a ‘legal framework’. A country that, prior to this, had been effectively ‘sold’ to Rwanda, at the hands of former president Joseph Kabila. This peace deal, signed on the 27th of June 2025, poses an interesting question as to whether such actions promote “national cohesion” and “creating a camp for the homeland”. Such an endeavour would require the support of all the Congolese people, irrespective of their tribal background, often a catalyst for conflict and flailing social cohesion. Yet, amidst all this discourse concerning ‘Congolese interests’, one must ask: do these interests include upholding the rights of women in zones of conflict? Whilst this meeting could later be looked back upon as having marked something of a critical juncture in the DRC’s development trajectory, this meeting may keep our eyes fixed on potential promises not yet realised and distract our attention from the ever-present tragedies occurring outside Kinshasa. Maintaining hope and optimism about the DRC’s political situation should not replace our continued efforts to raise awareness about the particular suffering of women and girls who are repeatedly subjected to violations and human rights abuses by the Rwandan-backed M23 rebel group and other Rwandan actors in eastern Congo.
A recently distributed clip showed a Congolese woman from Goma lying on the ground and held down by a group of men. What ensued was a display of physical violence with makeshift wooden batons as her punishment for refusing to be forcibly married to a Rwandan. Not only did she receive continuous blows on her back downwards, but she was also robbed of her dignity as parts of her genitalia were exposed on camera whilst she received blows from the wooden sticks. With all the people gathered to watch the affair, whether forcibly or not, no one stepped in or up to rescue her from what will remain a harrowing memory for her and those around.
Such is the suffering of many women who live in areas at the heart of the conflict, only the world does not bear witness, particularly as they are not all recorded or reported. In some conflict-ridden areas in the DRC, no regard is given to women’s rights, with statistics detailing that a woman is raped every 48 hours in the DRC! Women do not seem to be a priority in Kinshasa’s political discourse, and thus, women are left to the devices of rebels and groups like the Rwandan-backed M23. Organisations like the Panzi Foundation, which helps women who have been victims of sexual violence in conflict situations and sexual war crimes, need to be foregrounded in the discussion about helping women. The organisation aids women in reclaiming their narratives and rebuilding their lives, an element of particular importance as many survivors become ostracised by their communities, though they have suffered. These women are indeed worth more than their harrowing experiences, and in wanting governments to materialise their support for these women, the de-stigmatisation of women who have been subjected to such crimes must accompany any support given. For instance, should the government enforce laws creating a police department for the reporting of sexual violence, without de-stigmatisation, crimes would likely remain unreported due to the shunning and shame that women would be met with! The prevailing situation across the DRC’s political landscape highlights a disconnect between the government and its people. Where the current administration has made significant progress in areas like education, the government’s priorities do not always seem to align with or wholly consider the critical needs of certain groups in society, like women.
Due to a ‘lack of public and official data concerning gender-based violence and violations carried out against women and girls’, as reported by Amnesty International in 2024, many cases of violence against women are disregarded. This only harbours a sense of impunity across the country and sends a message that supporting women’s rights is not critical to the nation’s development, encouraging ignorant attitudes and carelessness. Clearly, established international human rights law has little effect in regions like Goma! It remains imperative that the Congolese government is lobbied to take expedient actions to support affected women in these conflict-ridden parts. Women are key to Congo’s development, and neglecting their rights is erroneous in every way.
The understanding of development presented within this article is drawn from the writings of Thandika Mkandawire. His work describes development as the “liberatory human aspiration to attain freedom from political, economic, ideological, and social domination. As highlighted by much research, women are pivotal to development efforts and economic prosperity in developing countries. For example, fostering safer environments for women to exist means that women in developing contexts (and more generally) would willingly engage in different forms of work available, even in male-dominated spheres. This leads to economic diversification, as well as an improved quality of human capital. To successfully support women in areas like Goma, mechanisms must be established that enforce women’s safety and accountability measures for those who threaten this. For women who suffer in the aftermath of abuse, a reform in the judicial system is crucial in helping such women obtain justice and support in rebuilding their lives and reintegrating them into society. This is because many women who face sexual violence are often ostracised by their communities and shunned.
People are the most important part of development efforts, and therefore, where issues concerning the people are not handled, real development cannot really be obtained. This also speaks to the importance of social policy that can ensure the inclusion of diverse groups in development efforts and society overall. Women in Congo require government attention, and without this, armed groups and even general civilians will continue to wage war on women’s rights and lives.
The war on women must end. This war does not rage only in Congo’s zones of conflict, but across the nation. A more prominent discussion on how to combat this war on women is crucial to millions of female lives being protected in the DRC, and whilst activist groups and charities may provide limited support, one way in which long-term change can be effected is through government intervention. As you consider the ongoing situation in the DRC, remember the millions of women who often face the repercussions of political issues, becoming retaliatory tools at the hands of rebels and finding themselves with no one to turn to.
The inauguration ceremony of the Genocost Memorial was held on Saturday 2 August 2025 in Kinshasa, in the presence of a wide range of personalities. Politicians, diplomats, musicians, comedians, footballers, influencers, civil society figures and cultural players all turned out to pay tribute to the victims of mass crimes in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Genocost memorial consists of 93 steles and an eternal flame, symbolizing the living memory and resilience of the Congolese people in the face of oblivion.
Lubumbashi: In solidarity with the victims
The youth of Lubumbashi responded en masse to the call to remember on the occasion of National Genocost Day. In front of the emblematic 30 June building, an appreciative crowd gathered around the national flag to honour the millions of Congolese who have fallen victim to the brutal and illegal exploitation of their country's natural resources.
In an atmosphere of pain and hope, candles were lit in a circle around the flag. Representatives of civil society took the floor to denounce the "international silence" in the face of this tragedy, described as "economic genocide".
Butembo: a reminder about the ADF
Citizen movements and pressure groups in the town of Butembo, in the province of North Kivu, are urging the government to put an end to the war in the eastern part of the DRC.
Gathered at the Masiani cemetery in the town of Beni, along with other local people, to pay tribute to all the victims of armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo on the occasion of Genocost, commemorated on 02 August, these citizens' movements and pressure groups denounced the atrocities committed by the terrorists of the Forces Démocratiques et Alliés (ADF) on the one hand, and by the M23 rebels on the other, which the population continues to suffer. They call for the same efforts to be made to put an end to the M23 rebellion as to eradicate the ADF.
Silence in regions under Rwandan occupation
While last year's Genocost activities were organized with great fanfare, this year the towns of Goma and Bukavu have done nothing. The towns of Goma, which fell at the end of January, and Bukavu, which fell in mid-February, are under occupation by the Rwandan army via the M23. No activities have been organized there, as if to say that the aggressor is back in another guise. No communication from the M23 on the occasion of this day. Every Congolese commemorated in absolute silence.
The arrest of army general Christian Tshiwewe Songesha, former chief of staff of the FARDC and military adviser to President Félix Tshisekedi, has now been confirmed by the presidential party itself. Augustin Kabuya, Secretary General of the Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS), lifted the veil on this affair. During a political morning organised on Tuesday 15 July, in front of a crowd of militants, he claimed that the former head of the army was involved in a plot to physically eliminate the Head of State.
The case is causing quite a stir. Since General Tshiwewe's arrest, which has still not been officially confirmed by the judicial authorities.
"He plotted with his entourage to kill the Head of State, a family man, a grandfather, the first institution of the Republic, and he does not want to be held to account. That's taking people for slaves," said Augustin Kabuya.
A few days earlier, FARDC spokesman Major General Sylvain Ekenge stressed in a statement that the disciplinary measures taken in the army had no ethnic basis. "These officers are being arrested for serious breaches of military discipline. ". He added: "The army remains committed to rigour, integrity and respect for the law. "
No official statement has yet been made by the Presidency on the substance of the case. President Tshisekedi, who had made General Tshiwewe one of his most trusted confidants by entrusting him with the management of the FARDC general staff, has not yet commented publicly on the accusations of plotting made against him.
A member of the Republican Guard for several years, Tshiwewe has risen through the ranks in the shadow of successive regimes.
It was under the Tshisekedi regime that General Christian Tshiwewe rose through the ranks to become Chief of General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo in October 2022, replacing Lieutenant-General Célestin Mbala, who had retired. He was replaced by Jules Banza in December 2024. Since then, he has remained military advisor to the Head of State, occupying a strategic position in the security apparatus. His proximity to the President, his role in strategic operations and his meteoric rise through the military ranks made him a central figure in the security system.
The declaration of principles was signed between the Congolese government and the M23 in Doha, under the aegis of Qatari mediation, on the morning of Saturday 19 July 2025. Nothing has been achieved so far, and the declaration of principles essentially covers the points on which the peace agreement will be based.
As soon as it was signed, the two sides had two different interpretations.
The Congolese government says it is satisfied with the signing, and points to the return of state institutions, including the police and army, from areas under the control of the AFC/M23. "This declaration takes account of the red lines that we have always defended, in particular the non-negotiable withdrawal of the AFC/M23 from the occupied areas, followed by the deployment of our institutions (FARDC, PNC, justice, administration)", says Patrick Muyaya, Congolese Minister of Communication and government spokesman.
The M23 took a different view of this declaration of principle. "A bilateral ceasefire has been signed, with a mechanism put in place to establish practical arrangements", wrote Benjamin Bonimpa, head of the M23 delegation to Qatar and permanent secretary of the M23, on X in the wake of the declaration. "The populations in the AFC/M23 zones can congratulate themselves on the peace and protection they enjoy, because it is an achievement," he continued.
With regard to the next stage of the process, the two parties undertake to apply the provisions of the Declaration of Principles immediately, by 29 July 2025 at the latest, and to begin negotiations on the peace agreement by 8 August at the latest, with signature expected by 18 August.
The province of Ituri, in the north-east of the Democratic Republic of Congo, remains the scene of chronic insecurity despite the peace agreements signed between the Congolese government and several armed groups, including the Codeco militia. However, the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), an Islamist group affiliated to the Islamic State, remain particularly active and deadly.
According to local residents, these rebels attacked the village at around 8pm local time. Coming from the west, they crossed to head east along national road number 4. "I'm being treated, I've been shot several times, don't fail to pray for me, but I don't know if my wife and child are still alive, they could be killed, keep praying for me", said one of the wounded.
This information has been confirmed by the office of the Irumu CRDH. Christophe Munyanderu, its coordinator, calls on the command of the joint FARDC-UPDF operation to review its approach in order to spare the lives of the population. "Since 8 July we have just counted 70 civilians killed as a provisional toll alongside civilians reported missing, our recommendation is to the joint FARDC-UPDF operations to see how they can review their methods of tracking down these ADF terrorists because after destroying the various strongholds of these ADF terrorists in the territory of Mambasa precisely in the chiefdom of Babila Bakwanza towards Lolwa, and part of the Walese Vonkutu chiefdom in Mungamba, the enemy has again crossed the Ituri river to recapture these former strongholds", recommended Christophe Munyanderu, coordinator of the Irumu CRDH.
"The pooling of FARDC and UPDF forces has been going very well on the ground since the launch of military operations on Sunday 6 July against several ADF terrorist rebel positions deep along the RN-4 in the Irumu and Mambasa territories," said the Congolese army spokesman.
This security situation comes after a series of recent joint FARDC-UPDF operations "launched in the forest of the Babila Bakwanza chiefdom in the Mambasa territory, creating a stampede in the ranks of the terrorists, who are fleeing in all directions", said Jules Ngongo, FARDC spokesman in Ituri.
This upsurge in violence highlights the flaws in the security arrangements in this troubled region of eastern DRC, where civilians remain the first victims of armed conflict.
While the political climate remains tense in Haut-Katanga, the surprise appointment of Martin Kazembe Shula as interim governor is raising questions and speculation. The backdrop is Governor Jacques Kyabula's prolonged delay in reaching Kinshasa following an official summons issued by the Deputy Prime Minister in charge of the Interior, Jacquemain Shabani.
It was the Deputy Minister for Customary Affairs, Jean-Baptiste Ndeze Katurebe, who on Wednesday signed the telegram making official the appointment of Martin Kazembe as interim governor. He explained that this measure followed Jacques Kyabula's failure to respond to the letter from the VPM of the Interior dated 8 July 2025, which formally invited him to Kinshasa for consultation.
"The Governor's prolonged absence is therefore perceived as a refusal to cooperate with the central authorities. Officially, Jacques Kyabula was supposed to report to Kinshasa on 10 July, but failed to do so. This silence precipitated the intervention of the Ministry of the Interior, via the Cabinet for Customary Affairs, to guarantee the continuity of the provincial executive", says a source at the Ministry of the Interior.
Between diplomatic pretext and health justification:
But in Lubumbashi, the versions differ. Those close to the outgoing Governor put forward several explanations. According to some sources, the trip was postponed due to the absence of the Minister of the Interior, Jacquemain Shabani, who was on an official mission in Doha, Qatar. This is a puzzling explanation, especially as the summons came from the Deputy Prime Minister in office, and not from his deputy who was temporarily absent.
Other sources indicate that Jacques Kyabula is ill, which would explain his unavailability. This is a plausible hypothesis, but one that has not been confirmed by an official medical bulletin, casting doubt on the reality of the Governor's state of health.
A controversial outing in the background:
Apart from logistical or health-related explanations, some observers are pointing the finger at Jacques Kyabula's recent speech at a meeting in Lubumbashi on 1 July. On the sidelines of a rally in support of the DRC-Rwanda agreement, the Governor publicly asserted that the peace negotiations should be conducted solely with the Rwandans and not with Joseph Kabila or Corneille Nangaa, whom he described as "sons of the house" whose problems should be settled locally.
This statement sent shockwaves through the Union Sacrée, the ruling coalition to which he belongs, with several members expressing deep disapproval. For some analysts, this statement put Jacques Kyabula at odds with Kinshasa, gradually isolating him within his own political coalition.
Against this backdrop, the appointment of Martin Kazembe Shula as interim mayor appears to be an attempt to defuse the institutional crisis looming over Haut-Katanga. Officially, the aim is to ensure the continuity of the administration. But in reality, the decision is a political repudiation of Jacques Kyabula, who has been weakened by his silence as much as by his declarations. Early on Friday, the new interim Governor, under the direction of the Ministry of the Interior, announced that security teams would be mobilised to locate Jacques Kyabula.
“I thank God for taking my babies. Here, it is better not to be born.” Priscille, a young Congolese woman, stated in an interview with Siddharth Kara (Cobalt Red, pp. 58). Priscille works as a miner in the Democratic Republic of Congo’s artisanal mining industry, an industry that, through the extraction of cobalt and lithium from the DRC, has made a fortune. 22.7 million sales of e-cigarettes in 2022 in the U.S. alone, 1.1 million sales of electric bikes in 2022, $60.6 billion worth of sales in laptops alone as of 2025 – all of these sales rely on lithium or cobalt, two minerals sourced partially and primarily, respectively, from Congo, and all of these sales result in wealth for nations in the Global North, not for the DRC or Congolese workers. Priscille, for instance, is only paid $0.80 for each fifty-kilogram sack of cobalt, another mineral source of batteries commonly used for electric products.
These batteries, relying on lithium, cobalt, and coltan for batteries, are often used as ecologically friendly alternatives to fossil fuels, used in products from e-bikes to electric cars. The effect on the DRC itself, however, is anything but ecologically friendly. Just as the global North benefits from the economic exploitation of the global South and other underdeveloped nations, nations like the DRC suffer greatly from both the climate impacts of fuel combustion from wealthy nations and, more relevantly, the ecological impact of the mining of minerals extracted from it. This impact isn’t just a statistical one; it’s a human one.
As far back as 2007, high amounts of radioactive pollutants were found beside mines in the DRC. In November of 2007, nearly 19 tons of radioactive materials were found dumped into the Mura River, resulting from copper and uranium mining. Cobalt mining, likewise, has resulted in contamination of nearby water sources: in Tshangalale Lake, close to cobalt mining towns, fish were found to have high levels of cobalt within them. Cobalt is, much like uranium, another radioactive material, adding to the contamination of drinking water and marine ecosystems.
These impacts aren’t limited to the environment or ecosystem – a study conducted in Lubumbashi in 2020 found that children of fathers with mining-related jobs were far more likely to have birth defects. In particular, exposure to toxic metals and minerals from mining increased the risk of developing conditions such as spina bifida and anencephaly. For the workers as well, the health impacts are drastic. Respiratory illness is particularly common due to exposure to air pollutants while mining, particularly radon, which has been known to cause lung cancer. Cobalt mining, as well, has been linked to pulmonary tuberculosis.
The Democratic Republic of Congo isn’t the only nation where cobalt, coltan, and similar minerals are mined, even if it is where the exploitation is the most severe. Thus, it isn’t the only nation to suffer as a result of it. In Chile, Calama, which has been home to major copper mining, has three times the number of lung cancer incidences when compared to the nation as a whole. The issue of the exploitation in Congo isn’t one of particular minerals: it doesn’t matter whether or not it’s cobalt, copper, uranium, or lithium being sourced from the Congo. It doesn’t matter whether or not these minerals are being extracted for seemingly ‘environmentally conscious’ reasons. It doesn’t even matter who is doing the mining, as adults are not spared from the health impacts. This issue isn’t just an issue impacting Congo, or even an Africa-exclusive issue; imperialism in the DRC is a global issue and should be treated as such.
On June 27, 2025, the United States brokered a peace deal between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda; as part of it, thousands of Rwandan soldiers would withdraw from the DRC, and both states would develop a joint security mechanism. Following this, the foreign ministers of the DRC and Rwanda, alongside American Secretary of State Marco Rubio, officially signed a Declaration of Principles recognizing the boundaries of both nations and committing to “counter non-state armed groups and criminal organizations that threaten the Participants’ legitimate security concerns”. While American President Trump touted this as a major peace deal in the region, it included one major catch – as part of the deal, Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi conceded far greater access to Congolese minerals to the U.S., with this arrangement being referred to as “minerals for security”. This would mean that the United States would have far greater access to and control over mining operations in DRC, increasing imports of tin, cobalt, lithium, and copper at the expense of the people of Congo. This deal marks a recent increase in American presence and involvement in the DRC, but it isn’t fully new, either.
Shinkolobwe is a name foreign to most Americans, but its effects are very familiar. In 1915, Shinkolobwe became the site of radium mines and, more importantly, had vast deposits of uranium. While the presence of uranium, at first, was not as important, in 1942, this changed. The U.S. bought nearly 1,200 tons of uranium from the Belgian-owned mining company Union Miniere to be used as part of the Manhattan Project. This uranium would later be used in the development of the same nuclear bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
The toll of the atomic bombs wasn’t limited to Japan. Operated by Belgium, minimal to no precautions were taken to protect the Congolese miners and the effects of this are seen today, although the U.S. no longer imports minerals from Shinkolobwe – birth defects are far more common in the region, and cities within the U.S. like St. Louis that processed the uranium from Shinkolobwe still experience higher rates of autoimmune disorders and blood diseases.
Donald Trump isn’t the first American president to be involved in the Congo as a whole, either. In 1960, President Dwight D. Eisenhower stated that he hoped that Patrice Lumumba, an independence figure and the first prime minister of the DRC, “would fall into a river full of crocodiles”. Later that same year, Eisenhower directed the CIA to assassinate Lumumba. Belgium had already been making efforts to destabilize the newly independent state of Congo – a few months before independence in 1960, Belgium privatized Union Miniere, retaining economic control of Katanga region, later helping their efforts to sow civil war between the region and Lumumba’s state – but these aims were bolstered heavily by the U.S. Secessionist leader of Katanga Moise Tshombe, for instance, received funding from the U.S. government. In Lumumba’s assassination, this collaboration was seen again.
In a meeting on August 18, Eisenhower advised CIA Director Allen Dulles to assassinate Lumumba. The U.S. proceeded by poisoning Lumumba’s toothpaste and food to kill him. In 1961, this wish came to fruition at the behest of a Belgian-backed firing squad.
Even after Lumumba’s assassination, the United States has remained deeply involved in Congo and in the exploitation of it. Within this very year, former President Joe Biden pushed and launched the Lobito Corridor project, which links various mining provinces in Angola, Zambia, and the DRC through an 800-mile stretch of railroad. Rather than benefiting Congolese people, the plan is focused on exporting minerals from the DRC; the center of the railroad is the ‘Copper Belt’, a region between Zambia and the DRC.
The recent deal has been met with scrutiny within the DRC, with many waiting to see what comes out of it. Michael Odhiambo, who works for Eirene, an international peace organization, in Uvira, DRC, has been critical of the deal in an interview with Al Jazeera. “There is fear that American peace may be enforced violently, as we have seen in Iran. Many citizens simply want peace, and even though this is dressed up as a peace agreement, there is fear it may lead to future violence that could be justified by America protecting its business interests.”
Although the U.S., unlike other imperial nations, never officially owned colonies in Africa, its consistent interference in the internal affairs of African nations, during and after the Cold War, as well as its exploitation of Africa as a whole, show that this was in name only. From direct CIA involvement in coups in Ghana and Congo to their efforts to undermine revolutionary leaders like Thomas Sankara in Burkina Faso to the economic exploitation of today, the U.S. was and is as much of an imperialist force in Africa as the U.K. and France.
The army has issued a statement following several rumors, reports and speculation about the arrest of several officers, including General Christian Tshiwewe, accused of collaborating with the former head of state, Joseph Kabila, to destabilize Kinshasa. Although the army spokesman did not mention his case, he brushed aside rumors of unfounded arrests by referring to fake news.
"For some time, there have been a lot of rumors and fake news," said General Sylvain Ekenge, spokesman for the FARDC responding to questions from a journalist on national television.
"I am very surprised by these rumors on social networks. I came here as a free man", said Lieutenant General Jean-Claude Kifwa, one of the alleged detainees.
The spokesman for the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo has also announced on Friday that he will hold a press briefing on Saturday 12 July to discuss the news of the arrest of generals and senior officers, with the aim of clarifying the situation and providing official details. But this briefing didn't happen finally. Officially, the press conference will be organized very soon but sources near this topic said that the army is still investigating on its many superior officers including Christian Tshiwewe, the former Chef of the army.
