Front-and-centre, or side-by-side? The question of the Congo’s place in African anti-colonial struggles has varied in answer from thinker to thinker. As covered previously, Nkrumah, the first President of Ghana, believed that the Congo stood as the “Heart of Africa” and was therefore at the forefront of African liberation. However, not every thinker shared this opinion and instead believed that the Congo’s place was on a more equal level of importance to its neighbours. One such thinker was Nnamdi Azikiwe, the First President of Nigeria and the father of Nigerian nationalism.

Nnamdi Azikiwe (1904-1996) was born in Zungeru in Niger state to Igbo parents. Attending primary and secondary schools in Onitsha, Calabar, and Lagos, Azikiwe was exposed to all three major Nigerian cultures, learning more about Nigeria’s position in the world upon moving to the US for university and later travelling to Ghana for early employment. After returning to Nigeria in 1937, Azikiwe founded the Nigerian Youth movement and the National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) which supported him as he was elected to the Nigerian Legislative council and later emerged victorious during the 1959 federal elections. These elections were key in securing Nigerian independence from the United Kingdom’s colonial control, asserting Nigeria’s capacity for self-rule, and demonstrating their demands for freedom from European imperialism. Despite his focus on Nigerian politics, Azikiwe also looked outwards to the rest of Africa, foreseeing a collaborative push between African states for the total liberation of the continent from colonial powers.

Azikiwe’s anti-colonial thought rested on a few principles, insisting upon the right of an African state to sovereignty, non-interference, and to federate (or confederate) with whom they chose. The state of African nations was a source of despair for Azikiwe, who likened the continent to a “ham which has been carved by the sword of European imperialism.” The Nigerian leader believed that if matters were placed totally and wilfully into the hands of African countries by Europe, the continent would prosper. Most importantly, Azikiwe believed in the right of African states of equality of sovereignty irrespective of size and population, opposing any hierarchy of importance between African countries. For these foundational beliefs, Azikiwe believed that the independence of Africa came from the formation of an African Leviathan from a collaboration among African states, calling for Nigeria to “co-operate closely with the other independent African states” to form the political bloc needed to push out colonial influences. While still supportive of African liberation and the Congo’s independence, Azikiwe’s ideals put an emphasis on equal collaboration among African states as the method towards true African freedom, instead of the fateful sway of any state, as Nkrumah believed for the Congo.

Lumumba’s own philosophy aligned with much of Azikiwe’s thought, similarly believing in an egalitarian attitude to the importance of African Liberation. In a speech at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, in 1959, Lumumba stated that “Africa will not be truly free and independent as long as any part of this continent remains under foreign domination”, placing all African states on an even plane of importance. The Congolese leader was also of the same opinion that it was colonialism and its facets of control that “seriously hinder the flowering of a harmonious and fraternal African society,” seeking their removal to allow Africa to bloom. Lumumba similarly sought the unity of Africans in popular movements or unified parties to “demonstrate our brotherhood to the world” and fight against the balkanisation of Africa into weak states at the mercy of the West, a sentiment parallel to Azikiwe’s own comparison of a balkanised Africa to a carved ham in its revulsion at the predatory colonial division of Africa.

While Azikiwe’s thoughts on the Congo Crisis itself remain unknown, it can be assumed through his philosophy, that the secession of Katanga under Tshombe and the brutal military involvement of Belgium, the UN and allied countries would have been taken as a mark of disrespect to the integrity of Africa and its right to federate or confederate without influence. The involvement of Nigerian military forces in peacekeeping operations solidifies notions of favouring an Africa-led response to intra-African conflict and the camaraderie of African states through the support offered to the Congolese government by Nigerian forces.

Despite records never hinting at a meeting between the two leaders, Azikiwe and Lumumba clearly shared a vision of an Africa free from European domination and believed in similar pillars for African inter-state collaboration moving forward. Whether the vanguard of liberation or a willing member of an egalitarian community, the Congo’s independence was and is a matter of importance to Pan-Africanists from all walks of the ideology. Today, the Congo faces the same challenges to its rightful sovereignty, territorial integrity and freedoms as it faced during the crisis of the 60s. Irrespective of which pan-Africanist ideologue you follow, there is no question about the independence of the Congo; its protection is essential to the anti-colonial struggle, and it must be freed from the grasp of colonial and neo-colonial influences.

Written by Alex Temmink

If touched upon within education, African anti-colonial thinkers are often placed in a political vacuum, artificially isolated from neighbouring contemporaries within wider continental dialogues. The effects of collaboration among African ideologues on pan-Africanist thought are often left out of records, constructing a false atmosphere where African anti-colonialists acted alone against European imperialism instead of together. This phenomenon risks the omission of key interactions between popular African leaders and the connections made between their struggles for independence.

Notably, Nkrumah, the revolutionary first President of Ghana, was a marked supporter of Lumumba and a Free Congo. Nkrumah is construed as the founding father of Ghana and the main leader behind Ghana’s role in the wider pan-Africanist movement, but little is said about his interactions with fellow leaders. Nkrumah saw the Congo as “the Heart of Africa” – a vital region that formed a buffer state between a growingly independent Africa in the North and a South controlled by imperialists. To Nkrumah, the Congo stood as a decisive factor in the fight between neo-imperialism and Pan-Africanism, marking the victory of either party depending on which way the country swayed. Resultantly, the freedom of the Congo from imperialist influence became a matter of significant importance for Ghana’s president and Pan-Africanism at large, underwritten by the leader’s “fervent hope” to rally Africa to his ideology.

This political leaning brought Nkrumah into close contact with Patrice Lumumba, who shared in his ideals of African freedom, unity, and independence. Lumumba’s own experiences in Accra during the All-African People’s conference of 1958 had added a stark Pan-African dimension to his Congolese nationalism and fostered a close relationship between him and Nkrumah, referring to one another as brothers in official correspondences. Lumumba and Nkrumah often discussed how the Congo could be structured to best repel imperialist influence, with Nkrumah often encouraging a strong unitary governmental system for the Congo as a means of preventing neo-imperialist meddling through the exploitation of federal systems, an omen for events soon to come.

During the Congo Crisis of the 60s, Nkrumah attempted to push for “African self-respect” in peace-keeping matters by sending a solely African force to prevent conflict, also transporting an unprecedented level of foreign aid to the Congo at “almost every level of government”, according to Opoku Agyeman, including medical and civic support. To the Ghanaian president, this backing was a matter of principle, stating in a 1960 UN General Assembly meeting that “to damage the prestige and authority of that [Lumumba’s] government would be to undermine the whole basis of democracy in Africa”, denouncing the belligerence of the West and Western-backed rebels against the legitimate central Congolese government as an extension of how far colonial powers would go to maintain their domination “in one form or another in Africa.”

Nkrumah’s plans of an Afro-centric response to the Congo Crisis were short-lived, eventually being pushed out by a mix of UN, European, US, and US-backed forces who chose to support Mobutu and his pro-western sentiments. The betrayal of the UN and Lumumba’s later assassination at the hands of these parties was a source of considerable grief for Nkrumah, stating in a broadcast on the 14^th of February 1961 that the loss of Lumumba was an illegal power grab by the rulers of the US, UK, France and other powers allied with Belgium as well as a “loss for the whole African continent.”

Despite knowing each other for a short time, the interactions between Lumumba and Nkrumah appeared to have a profound effect on the politics of Ghana, Congo and continental Pan-Africanism, highlighting an often-overlooked connection between African struggles to be rid of colonial influences. What’s important to keep in mind when analysing the Congo or any other Black African nation is that their struggles rarely exist in a void and are often emblematic of larger conflicts, be it ideological, economic, or social. The Congo is the heart of Africa, so ask yourself, what does it tell you when the heart is under attack?

Written by Alex Temmink

In the presence of US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, the foreign ministers of the Democratic Republic of Congo, represented by Thérèse Kayikwamba Wagner, and of Rwanda, Olivier Nduhungirehe, signed the pre-agreement on peace in Washington on Friday. While this agreement is generating hope and acclaim at international level, it is an unprecedented step backwards that could be signed in 2025 with full understanding of the problem. After reading the "agreement" or "capitulation", this editorial focuses on the three following points.

1. The failure of Tshisekedi regime to solve the problem and using lying propaganda:

His administration failed to put even one or two interests of Congolese people in that accord. This is a shame because for sure wise people here in Congo didn't expect nothing but not the capitulation of Kinshasa to all needs of Congolese people. It is a sad day for Congo because there is no withdrawal of Rwandan’s militaries. The M23 is like a Congolese matters instead all confirmed information of the Rwanda fueling that conflict. At the same time, there is propaganda here in Kinshasa done medias of the regime to present that accord as a result of highest diplomacy and this will save the country from this unjustified war against DR Congo.

2. The interest of the Tshisekedi regime instead of Congolese needs:

In the Congolese opinion, it is clear about the expectations. Withdrawal of Rwanda army from Congolese territory, liberation of occupied territory, suits to people who killed civilians and did others crimes, justice and dignity for Congolese victims who still suffered from tree decades now, the impossibility for any rebellion to integrate the army (with even a law) ...

But no one, no one of those points where in this agreement. The only thing is the capitulation, the surrender of victims to the aggressor. Only interest is the continuing of the regime, which were menace by the M23 (a Rwanda creation) to finish with Tshisekedi administration. Now they will be dealing with Rwanda and USA by trampling Congolese people, millions of Congolese killed hearts in need of justice and alive victims and survivors which will be ignored by this agreement.

3. A step back to the Goma accord:

Probably many people can analyze it like this but it is the same accord which were signed in Goma between the Congolese government and the CNDP (a Rwanda creation, father of the M23) with the Same narrative and which destroyed and injected Rwandans actors at all highest security instances in DR Congo.

Integration of Militias (only of CNDP) in the army with more power and more privilege than Congolese soldiers who served for decades under the flag, refusing giving justice to victims, take non-Rwandan militias as enemy and not include them in the process,...

We all know the results was a army to keep killing his citizens, keep protecting criminals and create a sentiment of injustice, encouraging to take weapons against the country and most of all the controlling by Rwanda's proxy of important mines in the east.

It is a bad step back

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

While the peace agreement between the DRC and Rwanda signed on 27 June 2025 in Washington raises hopes of a de-escalation, the internal dynamics of the AFC/M23 and its growing foothold in the east of the DRC cast major doubt over the success of the process. 

The Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC/M23) is going through a period of internal turbulence that could have an impact on the dialogue taking place in Doha, Qatar, because of differences of opinion. A confidential report by the UN Group of Experts reveals that controversial appointments within the group and the announcement of the return of former president Joseph Kabila to the DRC via Goma have rekindled deep divisions between rival factions.

According to the report dated 20 April 2025, tensions are intensifying between the so-called "historic" Rwandan and Ugandan factions that make up the heterogeneous structure of the AFC/M23. This dissension is said to have prompted the Rwandan government, the movement's main supporter, to consider appointing former general Laurent Nkunda to a strategic post within the rebellion in order to "restore cohesion and strengthen popular support". "Corneille Nangaa, initially presented as the political face of the AFC/M23 to reframe the rebellion as a Congolese problem, has been gradually sidelined by #Rwanda. The main reason for this change is Nangaa's personal ambition to seize power in Kinshasa by force. While Rwanda and the M23 supported the idea of regime change, they were not in favor of a military campaign aimed at Kinshasa", says the UN experts report. "Internal tensions have arisen within the AFC/M23, exacerbated by disputed internal appointments and the controversial announcement of the return of former president Joseph Kabila to eastern DRC. To restore unity, Kigali is reported to have planned to appoint Laurent Nkunda, who is under sanctions, to an important post", says the report.

Kigali leading military operations

"Similarly, RDF operations were decisive in securing control of Bukavu, which was taken without urban combat [on 16 February]", the report summarizes. Other towns were conquered with RDF support, such as Lubero and Walikale. Their withdrawal from Walikale was then decided "on the direct orders of the Rwandan government, which once again confirms Rwanda's control and command of the AFC/M23", say the reporters.

In a meeting with the press in Kigali on Friday 04 July 2025, Rwandan President Paul Kagame added: "Rwanda will always do what it has to do when the FDLR is along its border." This speech comes as the Rwandan-backed M23 rebellion controls the provinces of North and South Kivu.

"The military and political leaders of the AFC/M23 continued to receive instructions and support from the Rwandan government and its intelligence services. The Rwandan-Congolese Fred Ngenzi Kagorora and Brigadier General Patrick Karuretwa maintained frequent contact with Makenga, Bisimwa and "Colonel" Imani Nzenze", states the report of the group of experts submitted to the sanctions committee of the United Nations Security Council.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

In an op-ed published by the French newspaper Le Monde, 75 Nobel laureates, including Dr. Denis Mukwege, urge the international community to take immediate action to end what they describe as the "Congolese tragedy", marked by more than three decades of war, extreme violence and persistent impunity.

The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is facing one of the deadliest conflicts since the Second World War, with around 6 million people killed. Added to this are more than 26 million people facing acute hunger, 7.8 million internally displaced persons and a growing recourse to sexual violence, particularly against children. The article denounces global silence and inaction in the face of this massive crisis.

The text explicitly accuses Rwanda, and in particular its support for the M23 rebel group, of fueling the war by plundering Congo's natural resources. Since the resurgence of the M23 in 2021, some 4,000 Rwandan soldiers have invaded eastern DRC, seizing areas rich in minerals. Today, this occupation forces over 10 million Congolese to live in fear.

The signatories denounce a "double standard" in international diplomacy: according to them, the Rwandan aggression is tolerated, while rapid sanctions have been imposed in other conflicts, such as the one in Ukraine. They question the value placed on the lives of African populations in the current international order.

The United Nations Mapping Report published in 2010 already documented the crimes committed between 1993 and 2003. Since then, the violence has never ceased, deploding the authors. The UN's humanitarian plan for 2025 is only 8.2% funded, making the DRC one of the world's most neglected crises.

Sexual violence against children has reached an unprecedented level, with almost 10,000 cases reported in two months. In some regions, a victim is recorded every 30 minutes.

The Nobel Prize winners are calling for the immediate implementation of Security Council Resolution 2773, which demands an unconditional ceasefire, the withdrawal of Rwandan troops and an end to support for the M23. They are also calling for the organization of an international conference for peace in the DRC, aimed at creating a platform for sustainable dialogue, including women and young people.

Finally, they are calling for the creation of an international tribunal to judge the crimes committed, on the basis of the Mapping report. For, they say, "justice must be at the heart of any lasting peace".

"We all have a piece of the Congo in our pockets", they remind us, pointing out that the minerals extracted in the DRC are essential to the manufacture of smartphones, computers and electric vehicles. In their view, the Congolese question is also a global issue, one of justice, peace and collective responsibility.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

The Union Nationale de la Presse du Congo (UNPC) reacted on Thursday to the decision by the Conseil Supérieur de l'Audiovisuel et de la Communication (CSAC) to suspend media coverage of the activities of the Parti du Peuple pour la Reconstruction et la Démocratie (PPRD) and its members throughout the country. By Act Number 006/B/06/025 of June 2, 2025, the CSAC suspended, as a precautionary measure, media coverage of the activities of the Parti du Peuple pour la Reconstruction et la Démocratie (PPRD) and its members for a period of 90 days throughout the country. Its president, Christian Bosembe, had even said that it was forbidden to mention Joseph Kabila's name on a popular Kinshasa radio program.

In an official statement signed by its president Kamanda wa Kamanda Muzembe, the UNPC expresses its "serious reservations" about what it describes as an authoritarian drift, denouncing unilateral regulation that seriously compromises freedom of expression and the press in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

The self-regulatory organization of professional journalists stresses that media regulation is first and foremost a philosophical principle based on freedom. It specifies that regulation cannot be preventive or arbitrary, but must intervene in a posteriori and not a priori, to remain in line with democratic standards.

"A priori regulation is censorship without a name. Journalists and the media cannot put up with censorship and the resulting inquisition", declares the UNPC.

The press release questions the role that the CSAC seems to want to take on, that of hindering press freedom by assimilating journalists to dangerous actors. Such a position, according to the UNPC, runs counter to the national drive for cohesion and peace, particularly at a time when the DRC is facing serious security crises, especially in the east of the country.

"Why should the media and journalists be seen as carriers of arms and ammunition, when they are often the only witnesses to the tragedies that befall our compatriots?" asks the organization.

Refusing to hand over journalists "to the fury of a maximalist approach", the UNPC calls on the CSAC to show discernment. The organization calls for balanced regulation, respectful of fundamental rights and adapted to democratic imperatives.

She also urged media professionals to show restraint and professionalism, recalling the importance of their role in defending the truth, territorial integrity and national sovereignty.

Written by Noé Kalemeko

As of mid-2025, robbery and swindling remain significant concerns in Kinshasa, driven by a combination of socio-economic challenges, gang calls "Kuluna" activities, and limited law enforcement capacity. The latest case is that of burglars who attacked money changers at the University of Kinshasa on Friday afternoon, May 30, 2024. So far, the toll is not yet known. The modus operandi of these bandits has always been the same, or almost.

For today at the University of Kinshasa

According to several witnesses interviewed on the spot, the thugs first tried to attack a bank branch located within the Faculty of Letters and Humanities, before redirecting their attack to the informal exchange offices set up not far from the university police station, in the area commonly known as "Trafic". "They fired several shots into the air. Two students were wounded in the panic. The moneychangers were robbed of almost 7,000 US dollars", says a 2nd year law student, still in shock.

Urban Crime and Gangs

Street-level crime in Kinshasa is often attributed to gangs known as Kulunas or urban bandits.  These groups engage in violent robberies, extortion, and assaults, frequently targeting homes, shops, and public spaces.  They are particularly active in neighborhoods such as Ngiri-Ngiri, Ngaba, Kalamu, Matete, and Kisenso, where they operate with machetes and other weapons  .

In response to the escalating crime, the Congolese government has intensified its crackdown on urban gangs.  In December 2024, Operation “Ndobo” led to the arrest of 450 individuals across Kinshasa, with many facing swift trials and severe sentences, including the death penalty .

Swindling and Robbery Tactics

Swindlers in Kinshasa employ various deceptive tactics to exploit both locals and foreigners:

• Taxi-related robberies: Criminals pose as taxi drivers or passengers, luring victims into vehicles and then robbing them, often under the threat of violence.
• Scams involving fake goods: Individuals offer counterfeit or non-existent products, such as gold or diamonds, at attractive prices, only to defraud buyers.
• Impersonation of authorities: Fraudsters pose as police or security personnel to intimidate victims into compliance.

Written by Patient Igunzi

The National Assembly has taken a decisive step in a case that is shaking the top of the Congolese judiciary. The Minister of Justice and Keeper of the Seals, Constant Mutamba, is officially handed over to the courts following a vote in plenary on Thursday 29th, authorizing the opening of a judicial investigation against him.

It all started with the reading of the report by the special commission set up to examine the indictment filed by the public prosecutor at the Court of Cassation, Maître Firmin Mvunde. The latter requested authorization to open a judicial investigation into the Minister of State. After a heated debate, the report was declared admissible by the majority of MPs present, paving the way for unprecedented legal proceedings against a senior member of the government in office.

According to the public prosecutor, Constant Mutamba exerted "strong pressure" on the deputy director general of the Direction Générale du Contrôle des Marchés Publics (DGCMP), threatening her in order to obtain approval for a contract awarded to a fictitious, non-existent company before the year 2024.

Worse still, he is accused of having ordered the release of 39 million US dollars, bypassing several essential stages of the procedure. This disbursement was allegedly made without the prior approval of the Prime Minister, Judith Suminwa, whose authorization has yet to be found.

For his part, Constant Mutamba has previously categorically rejected these accusations, while emphasizing that he will not appear before the public prosecutor at the Court of Cassation to defend himself.

He rejects all the charges against him. "The Attorney General is determined to get rid of me at all costs, because I am fighting against cheating and greed at the head of the Court of Cassation," he told the press. The minister defended his action as a commitment to far-reaching reform of the justice system, despite, he said, the resistance and threats of an entrenched system.

"I am demonstrating bravery in the face of threats from those who are against the reform I am bringing to justice", he hammered.

He also asserted that the public tender signed for the construction of the prison was authorized in accordance with the law, and that the absence of any reaction from the competent authority within the required timeframe was tantamount to tacit approval.

The plenary vote opens an uncertain judicial page for Constant Mutamba, who will now have to answer to the Congolese justice system. This case could ultimately reshuffle the judicial and political landscape in the Democratic Republic of Congo. All eyes are now on what happens next.

Written by Akilimali Chomachoma

In the midst of a ceasefire, the M23-AFC rebels continue to conquer new entities, notably in the Walikale territory in North Kivu province, in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Since Monday May 26, villages such as Bukumbirwa, Rusamambu, Kilambo and Ngengere in the Muronga locality have come under rebel control, following fighting with Wazalendo resistance fighters in the area. Local sources reported that the rebels launched attacks against positions controlled by Wazalendo resistance fighters in Muronga, forcing them to retreat towards Misimbi, located several kilometers from Rusamambu, an entity which also fell into rebel hands on Tuesday.

A few weeks ago, Walikale civil society warned of a build-up of men and ammunition by the AFC/M23 rebels in this part of Walikale territory. This advance by the AFC/M23 towards other areas violates the ceasefire decreed to allow the various peace processes underway to come to a successful conclusion with a view to putting an end to the conflict, laments local notables.

The immediate ceasefire agreed with the Congolese government as part of the Doha peace process in Qatar is struggling to materialize on the ground. The Doha ceasefire is the fifth such agreement, but none has yet held. All these measures put in place have not been followed by coercive directives against the party accused of violation, leaving the two opposing parties free to shoot at each other and later accuse each other.

Written by Safari Baguma

In an eagerly-awaited address, Joseph Kabila delivered a harsh diagnosis of the current situation in the Democratic Republic of Congo, while unveiling the broad outlines of a project to rebuild the country. The former president denounced the shortcomings of Félix Tshisekedi's regime, before threatening to respond to the situation like a soldier.

The Senator for Life began by accusing his successor, Félix Tshisekedi, without mentioning him by name. "With a heavy heart, I note that barely six years later, this beautiful undivided inheritance, bequeathed to all our people, has been completely squandered by the man who was entrusted with it; that our country offers a most distressing spectacle; and that it arouses all the more despair among our people, and pity and mockery throughout the world, as the recklessness of its leaders offers no hope of recovery," said Joseph Kabila Kabange.

The lifting of his immunities

The timing of this address is particularly sensitive. The day before, the Congolese Senate lifted Mr. Kabila's immunity, paving the way for prosecution on serious charges: treason, war crimes and crimes against humanity.

"A few days ago, following a simple rumor in the street or on social networks, about my alleged presence in Goma, where I will be going in the next few days, as announced elsewhere, the regime in power in Kinshasa took arbitrary decisions with disconcerting lightness, which testifies to the spectacular decline of democracy in our country," he says.

Although he did not mention this issue directly, he did criticize the upper house of parliament and the legislative power as a whole.

His 12-point recovery plan

Against this backdrop, Joseph Kabila has proposed a national recovery program, based on twelve objectives, including ending the dictatorship, putting an end to the war, re-establishing the authority of the State, restoring democracy, national reconciliation, relaunching development and withdrawing foreign troops from Congolese territory. But he did not explain what status and means he would use to implement his plan, which he considers vital to the survival of the DRC as a country.

Kabila: the soldier who will take over the army?

Kabila is not taking kindly to his successor, and is making a series of thinly veiled threats against Félix Tshisekedi's regime. First of all, he coaxed the Congolese military by saying that "Having trained them, commanded them and led them to the front, I know our soldiers. Scapegoats, today, for all the counter-performances recorded on the battlefield, they are not, however, intrinsically less good, less nationalistic or less loyal. What has changed in the meantime is the quality of their command and management.

He went on to clearly state his intention to do away with the current tenant of the "palais de la nation", the official office of the Congolese head of state. "As a soldier, I swore to defend my country to the supreme sacrifice. Yesterday in power, today out of power, I remain more faithful than ever to this oath" says the former president of the DRC between 2001 and 2019.

This speech, seen as a turning point in Kabila's posture, raises many questions about his future intentions. Does he want to return to being a central player on the Congolese political scene? Only time will tell.

Written By Akilimali Chomachoma