DRC: Floods claim lives in Kinshasa

Congo Independence

In our current world, we often place freedom and independence on a very high pedestal. Many of us assume that with these principles, our lives will be great and free from adversity. Unfortunately, not all nations have had the same positive experience with their independence as countries like the United States . The Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) is one such country where independence did not turn out as expected. As a result, we see a politically corrupt and violence-filled Congo today. To understand the current state of independence of the DRC, it is essential to examine the circumstances that preceded independence, the events that followed, and the connections between them.

The Berlin Conference, known for the Scramble for Africa, was a pivotal moment in history. During this period, most Western European nations had colonies across the globe in places like the Americas and Asia but had little foothold in Africa, aside from a few coastal forts used for the transatlantic slave trade. In the mid to late 19th century, European nations began investing heavily in exploring Africa to expand their political reach and extract resources for economic growth. However, there were fears that conflicts might arise over African territories. To prevent potential wars, the seven largest European powers convened at the Berlin Conference to decide how to divide and conquer Africa.

The map drawn at the Berlin Conference ignored existing cultural and ethnic boundaries, leading to colonial territories with diverse ethnic groups. This disregard set the stage for future ethnic violence once these nations gained independence.

At the time, Belgium was a small nation with no colonial presence elsewhere in the world. However, through the Berlin Conference, it was decided that King Leopold II of Belgium would gain control over the territory now known as the Democratic Republic of Congo, then called the Congo Free State. Under Leopold's rule, rubber was hyper-produced, and harsh, torturous punishments were inflicted on the Congolese who failed to meet rubber quotas. The Force Publique, a private military force composed of black soldiers and white officers, enforced these brutal measures. Any form of political expression by the Congolese was ruthlessly suppressed.

In 1908, the Belgian government took over the administration of the Congo after reports of humanitarian abuses under King Leopold, pressured by missionaries and foreign entities such as the UK. Despite this change, the exploitation and abuse of the Congolese people continued, driven by the relentless pursuit of resource extraction. This ongoing marginalization fueled discontent and resistance, setting the stage for the struggle for independence.

In the late 1950s, Congolese people en masse began to realize their strong desire to exercise their political rights, spurred by local government reforms that offered a glimpse of self-governance. This newfound eagerness led to widespread riots and demonstrations organized by Congolese political groups. These groups demanded the political freedom that had been denied to them for nearly 80 years under Belgian rule. Determined to end long-standing colonial oppression and achieve independence, the persistent efforts and growing unrest of the Congolese played a significant role in pushing the country towards independence.

In response to the resistance and increasing pressure from foreign powers to relinquish their colonial influence, the DRC won its independence from Belgium on June 30, 1960. Patrice Lumumba was elected as Prime Minister. Under Lumumba's leadership, a treaty of friendship was established between the Congo and Belgium, allowing certain Belgian officers
to remain in their positions until proper replacements could be found. This decision was unpopular within the Congolese government and contributed to political instability. Following independence, the Congo experienced significant violence and turmoil. Mutinies were orchestrated by the Force Publique, and there were foreign military interventions from the United Nations and Belgium. Cold War dynamics further fueled conflicts. This period of chaos ultimately led to Lumumba's assassination in 1961. The ensuing decades were marked by continued violence and instability, setting the stage for the ongoing struggles the country faces today.

The journey of the Democratic Republic of Congo towards independence was fraught with challenges and turmoil. The legacy of the Berlin Conference and the brutal exploitation under King Leopold II had a devastating effect on the nation. Even after gaining independence, the Congo faced significant violence, political instability, and foreign intervention. Patrice Lumumba's brief leadership and sudden assassination underscored the struggles of a nation trying to find its footing amid internal and external pressures. Today, the DRC continues to grapple with the consequences of its tumultuous history. Understanding this history is crucial to comprehending the current state of the country and the ongoing efforts towards achieving lasting peace and stability.

Written by Dylan Legend

Malcolm X and the Congo

Malcolm X and the Congo

The American history curriculum taught in public schools and portrayed by mainstream media effectively downplays certain figures' impact on history. Namely, Malcolm X. Most people understand Malcolm X to be a black nationalist extremist concerned with the freedom of African Americans “by any means necessary”, who was also involved with the Nation of Islam and the Civil Rights Movement. However, his founding of the Organization of Afro-American Unity in 1964, his advocacy work in the Congo, and his admiration of Patrice Lumumba are less discussed.
Towards the end of his life in the 1960s, Malcolm X advocated strongly for the Congo. His major points of contention included the treachery of Moise Tshombe and the failure of the American media to highlight the grave situation. This advocacy stemmed from his desire to unite black people worldwide.

To better understand Malcolm’s advocacy for the freedom of the Congo, one must understand the violence that was taking place there during the early 1960s. The country had just won its independence from the Belgian government, Joseph Kasavubu was elected president, and Patrice Lumumba was elected as the first - and, according to Malcolm, only - rightful prime minister of the country. In response, Congolese soldiers of the Force Publique rebelled against their white officers and incited violence across the country. At this point, Belgian troops had been sent in, aid had been requested from the UN who created an intervention force, and, afraid of potential communist influence, the United States had begun to involve itself as well, working to remove Lumumba. Misinformation spread by Western intelligence, and a coup by Colonel Joseph Mobutu led to Lumumba's assassination. Mobutu established relations with the U.S., securing funds to quell rebellions. Thus, the Congo was in chaos when Malcolm X began his public advocacy.

Malcolm believed that Tshombe was the “worst African ever born.” He believed that Patrice Lumumba was the rightful prime minister and that Tshombe was an American agent sent in to disturb the peace. In this way, Malcolm refers to Tshombe as an unreputable figure who gained power through underhanded means. He was living in exile after he led the effort for Katanga to secede from the Congo before returning to the Congo to serve as prime minister. Furthermore, his reign as prime minister was backed by U.S. money, as a means to suppress the rebels fighting to build their government due to fear of a “communist takeover” according to the CIA. He only served as prime minister for about a year before being dismissed by President Joseph Kasavubu. Seeing Tshombe as an American Agent sent to further disturb the natural development of the Congo into a functioning state, Malcolm was very vocal about his disdain towards this man, who, as one could interpret, served as an enemy of progress.

Even further than the direct actions being taken in the Congo, Malcolm was also vocal about his disapproval of how the American media handled sharing the word of the crisis with the American population, especially black people. Seeing as America is a primary instigator in the Congo conflict, and has continued to be well into the 21st century, it is morally unacceptable for America to be so negligent in its coverage of the Congo. This negligence can be seen as America viewing the conflict as trivial, even when considering the mineral wealth of the Congo is quite instrumental in the technological innovations of many wealthy developed nations, as well as the direct American support in the violence by supplying money, weapons, and voting power. It is also important to keep in mind the fact that America was so attentive to broadcasting the news of other foreign conflicts, most notably the Vietnam War, that the American public was not shy in voicing their outcry.

Although this activism from Malcolm was not long-lived, only going forward for about 2-3 years, it is vital to remember that at the heart of all this was the hope for a united black people. He wanted African Americans living in the United States to feel the urge to show support and even help their fellow African-descended brothers and sisters who are fighting in the Congo for their freedom and autonomy. Even going back nearly 100 years at the point when Malcolm was advocating, the Congo had been suffering at the hands of European nations, Belgium specifically. Even after winning its independence, interference from other countries and the long-lasting effects of that interference have been the driving force of the ongoing violence that plagues the Congo. Malcolm believed that it was the responsibility of black people in the United States to be sensitive to the struggles that were and still are affecting our people across the globe, especially in the Congo.

Written by Dylan Legend

DRC: A dozen people killed in a bombing in Mweso

A bomb was dropped in the town of Mweso, about 140km north-west of the city of Goma, in the province of North Kivu, in the east of the DRC, killing several people and injuring others.


"We have just recorded 10 deaths, all civilians. We were hiding in a house belonging to Maman Cyinyia, fearing the ongoing clashes between the M23 and the FARDC", said one of the survivors, speaking on condition of anonymity.

It is difficult at the moment to know the death toll. "The death toll is 19 civilians dead and 17 wounded, following the explosion of bombs dropped from as yet undetermined positions", said a local media source.

Some local media report that it was the M23 that dropped the bomb in its quest to recapture the town of Mweso, which it lost yesterday.

In a statement, the Congolese army said that the M23 had tried to recapture the town of Mweso. "Having established that they had lost control of the town of Mweso, the M23 terrorists, supported by the Rwandan army, in their flight, indiscriminately dropped 120 mm mortar bombs on the town, killing 19 people and wounding 27 innocent civilians," the statement said.

"Considering this terrorist act to be a serious violation of International Humanitarian Law, the FARDC call on the international community to address these blunders and draw all the necessary consequences," adds the DRC army's statement.

The M23 has not yet made any statement on these events.

Akilimali Saleh Chomachoma

We Are Responsible for the Well-being of the Planet

In Italy to promote crowdfunding for the filming of Basandja , the Congolese director spoke to La Svolta about exploitation, indigenous peoples and the relationship between colonialism and the climate crisis.

For Petna Ndaliko Katondolo , award-winning Congolese director, activist, educator, founder and artistic director of the cultural center Yole! Africa of Goma and Congo International Film Festival, the colonization of Africa was not only genocidal occupation, devastation, exploitation, deportation and racism.

She has also "broken the cosmological circle of belonging, interrupted astral connections, separated lineages and imprisoned the imagination."

The European violence that since the mid-1800s has overturned an entire continent, killed and inaugurated a forerunner of the Nazi method that lasted a century and a half and established a permanent Shoah on defenseless populations for which a Nuremberg that delivers justice is still awaited, has infinite faults. What still leaves indelible marks is having introduced an extractive and predatory practice that has in one fell swoop impoverished tens and tens of millions of individuals rich in resources, caused conflicts, dramatically increased external turnover and broken the balance between human beings and nature. which led to the current climate crisis.

«Just as one of the initial actions of the invasion of Africa was to cut down all the biodiversity and build structures for extractivism in the same space – he explained to La Svolta – this practice has today occupied the center of world government. There is therefore a link between colonialism and the climate crisis we are experiencing today."

It is very useful to converse with this Congolese artist with a provocative, Afro-futuristic style, capable of using historical content to address contemporary socio-geo-political and cultural issues, while Cop28 is taking place in Dubai. His messages go in depth but are not limited to principles and evocations, they want to trigger political actions and changes. So, let's start from the beginning, from the primordial environment and delve with Petna into the fascinating concept of Ancestral Ecology.

« Ancestral ecology is a theory, a profound practice that supports a holistic understanding and connection with the Earth. This is not seen simply as a material resource, but as a complex living being, a holobiont that keeps all vital systems in balance. Drawing on multiple indigenous cultural sources, this understanding encourages individuals to recognize the Earth as the custodian of knowledge and the interconnected web of life. A being who deserves care, consideration and noble responsibility. In embracing the Earth as a living entity, a set of bio-spiritual intelligence, Ancestral Ecology emphasizes the responsibility of human beings: as part of the community of living beings, we are responsible for safeguarding the well-being of the Planet, recognizing it as the ultimate repository and source of healing, wisdom and resilience. Our survival as a species called humanity depends on this awareness."

In your opinion, what are the impacts that such a theory can have on a political level?
This shift in perspective can influence environmental policies and identify and support sustainable practices and conservation efforts. We must contextualize our evolving sciences in a way that leads to a much more complete understanding of the impact of human activities on the Planet. for example, when we talk about human rights in Ancestral Ecology, we broaden this vision to include the rights of all living beings, including everything that is considered non-organic. Thus, when governments introduce a new policy, then waters, animals or trees should be taken into consideration as well as humans and things. I'll give you an example: to give life to reconstruction and recovery projects after a war, an environmental disaster or a crisis, paths of reconciliation between enemies are imagined, compensation and subsidies for those who have lost everything, compensation for human and material damage, but you never think about how many trees have been devastated, how much water has been lost and dead or injured animals. They too are victims and the balance must somehow be re-established.

Congo is perhaps the greatest emblem, on a global level, of what exploitation, impoverishment and exclusion of indigenous peoples has meant and continues to mean...

We imagine Congo as a space shared by all peoples and cultures, but in reality the native communities of these geographies have been systematically excluded from decision-making processes that affect their lives. Over the past few generations, Native peoples have fought to have their voices and indigenous understandings of culture and ecosystems taken into account, but their efforts have consistently met with brutal violence and repression by of officials, whether from the colonial regime or current reminiscences. For an early and shocking example of such violence, think of the millions of people who were killed or had their hands cut off by the Belgian king, Leopold II, due to the automobile industry boom in the late 1800s. Second, we remember how the prime minister of the newly independent Congo, Patrice Lumumba, was killed, torn to pieces and dissolved in acid for having asked for the economic autonomy of the Congo. This legacy continues through massive sexual atrocities against women and men used as a war strategy to empty villages of their population so that multinational corporations can access the coltan and cassiterite mines that fuel the digital industry. The systemic practice of post-colonial extraction continues through the proliferation of proxy wars that are enabled to facilitate and respond to the high demand for cobalt for the need to transition to green energy.

In this period you are promoting a crowdfunding to complete your new film Basandja of which you have already shot and edited the first part, which starts precisely from these assumptions you have just outlined. Can you tell us about this new effort of yours?
Basandja is a film that fits exactly into the geopolitical context I spoke about above. It is a work that seeks to be rooted in the theory of "aesthetic recoding", inspired by ancestral ecology and Lobi Ejo practice (a totally different way of understanding temporality based on the notion of reciprocity and interdependence with all living beings, ed.). The aim of the film is on the one hand to recover those forms of indigenous knowledge and wisdom and tell their stories to remember and propose ways to engage the imagination of contemporary political and ecological discourse in order to form a more inclusive and locally informed understanding, on the other, transforming the current mentality of extraction and exploitation of material resources into an interrelational understanding with multiple centers. Basndja aims to promote a vision of the future proposed by indigenous cultures and practices that have developed their understanding through symbiotic relationships with the forests and waters that have supported their communities since time immemorial.

Is yours a proposal for action?
Yes exactly. I propose this to you as an impactful opportunity to engage in deeper inquiry and listening to locally recognized knowledge keepers, whose understanding is born through lifelong lived experience in the ecologies and communities where they live. I ask you to consider the enormous opportunity that is at hand, to be able to engage with indigenous knowledge reservoirs so as to synthesize new possibilities for social adventures tailored to sustainable solutions for a better life for all.


Six-Day War: 23rd Anniversary Report

Six-Day War: 23rd Anniversary Report
By Aïssata Diallo 

This report refers to a sad date for the whole of the Democratic Republic of Congo. On June 5th, 2000, 23 years ago, the Democratic Republic of Congo faced a war that lasted six days from 5 to 10 June 2000 in the city of Kisangani.

Kisangani was the epicentre of an outbreak of violence by the Ugandan and Rwandan armies in support of rival local factions for the management of territories. Kisangani, the martyred city with multiple desires, could not escape the ravages of a war whose after-effects remain.

Located in the centre of the Congo Basin, the city of Kisangani is a river port at the confluence of the Lindi, Tshopo and Congo rivers. Given this strategic position, the authorities had elevated the city to the rank of regional capital, making it a major economic development pole for the country. However, this coveted regional capital has been the object of fighting between militias since the 1990s, which has severely affected the regional economy as well as the living conditions of the local civilian population, leaving the DRC government powerless. 

It was on Monday, June 5th, 2000, that this war broke out. It was a high-intensity war with fighting that had its epicentre in the centre of Kisangani. This abrupt war was marked by the violation of fundamental principles of international law. Indeed, the intervention of Rwanda and Uganda on the territory of the Democratic Republic of Congo by the regular Rwandan military forces, the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) and the Uganda People's Defence Forces (UPDF) in support of local factions represented an immediate violation of the territorial integrity of Congo and contributed to the intensification of the violence of the fighting.

The occupation of Kisangani by these two foreign countries in support of local factions was strategic and totally self-serving. Their presence in the resource-rich North-East was aimed at controlling the region's mineral wealth. This foreign interference fuelled the second Congo war by destabilising local institutions and accentuating the interests of the two neighbouring states, which took advantage of the situation to institutionalise a stranglehold by these nations on the Congo's natural resources. A six-day war in which direct confrontations and violence were at their peak. This outburst of violence by the regular Rwandan and Ugandan forces to establish a monopoly on the mining management of the territory resulted in numerous war victims, including a significant number of deaths in six days, not to mention the destruction of local homes and institutions. The main victims of this conflict were civilians.

Apart from the violation of the right of states to preserve the territorial integrity of their countries, the Six-Day War resulted in a total absence of care for the civilian population, who were left to their own devices in the chaos of a sudden and unexpected war. The testimonies and investigations relate that there was an illegal occupation of civilian habitations and the conscious use of heavy weapons in urban areas, adding to the toll of human and material losses.

The 10th of June 2000 marked the end of this disastrous war that lasted six days. The toll was heavy, more than a thousand dead and more than five hundred wounded in the bowels of a ravaged city that had become a martyr.

At the international level, the UN Council adopted resolution 13041 on June 16th 2000, which condemned the Ugandan and Rwandan governments to provide reparations for the human and material losses. This condemnation will also open the door to a series of investigations for war crimes.

The United Nations Mapping Exercise report of August 2010 on the most alarming human rights violations between March 1993 and June 2003 on the territory of the Democratic Republic of Congo reported "indiscriminate attacks with heavy weapons in densely populated areas". However, as Rwanda does not recognise the jurisdiction of the International Court of Justice, the Court has not been able to pronounce on the role played by the Rwandan capital Kigali. Nevertheless, on December 19th, 2005, Uganda, which recognises this decision-making authority, was condemned by this same body for the damage caused to the Congo "by the armed struggle and the pillaging of natural resources". It should be noted that beyond the Six-Day War, it is also the interference, occupation, and active and official support to local militias since 1998 that led to the condemnation of Uganda. The damage done by Uganda was the subject of reparations which were estimated by the International Court of Justice on February 9th, 2022, 22 years later, at the sum of 325 million dollars. This amount was considered insufficient and disappointing for the victims of Kisangani who lost everything during those six days. The Democratic Republic of Congo had expressly requested the sum of 11 billion dollars from Uganda as compensation.

Where are we today?

Two decades after the events, the main perpetrators of war crimes in the Democratic Republic of Congo have still not been prosecuted. The aftermath of the Six-Day War was marked by the establishment of a sustainable economy for the various criminal networks that plagued the region. This criminalisation of the regional economy to the benefit of trafficking has rooted the region in a security instability to which Kinshasa is struggling to respond.

It is important to remember that under international public law, the damage suffered by private individuals must be compensated by the State of which they are a national. The compensation of victims is therefore the responsibility of the Congolese state. The Congolese government had undertaken to compensate the victims of the conflict. A first payment of more than one million dollars was released in 2020, but the victims' associations point to the absence of payment of the second part, and alert public opinion to the precarious  living conditions of the victims. A first payment from Uganda of nearly $65 million was made in September 2022, but the victims have not yet been able to benefit from it. A deep resentment of abandonment has fuelled the north-eastern region and more particularly the city of Kisangani. Thus, a “mistrust in the proper management of funds” has developed, a pervasive feeling among the local population today. The regional failure of government institutions, in which perverse corruption has become the norm, only increases the sense of injustice felt by the people. Dismas Kitenge, President of the Lotus Group based in Kisangani, calls on the authorities "not to repeat the mistakes of the past, marked by corruption".

On this tragic twenty-third anniversary, the situation is alarming. Victims whose voices are struggling to be heard, forgotten by a government that is supposed to protect them, and numerous requests from victims to the Congolese state remain unanswered. Internationally, the failure to prosecute the Rwandan government for its active involvement in the Six-Day War is increasing the sense of injustice taking hold in the region and disrupting the assumption of regional stability. Moreover, the resumption of arms by the rebel movement of the March 23 Movement (M23) in 2021, a movement officially created to protect the Rwandan Tutsi ethnic group in Congo, shows the consequences of the impunity of the Rwandan government instrumentalising the rebellion. In fact, the links between the M23 and Rwanda, which have been confirmed by both Kinshasa and the UN, maintain national and regional instability and have recently given rise to firm positions on the international scene by the United States and France. For Erik Nyindu, Director of Communications of the DR Congo Presidency, “it is Kigali that holds the key to ending hostilities in the DRC”. However, the belated international position without coercive means against the Rwandan government contributes to the continuing conflicts in the east of the country.

On 21 April, a sit-in gathering victims from Kisangani to Kinshasa was violently dispersed by the police. This method was deemed "degrading" by the spokesperson for the DRC's human rights NGOs. Despite the release of part of the funds and the execution of the  court decision in Uganda, the victims of Kisangani are now faced with the indifference of their own government, which does not seem to be ready to compensate the unfortunate victims.

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Climate Crisis and the Congo Basin

Climate Crisis and the Congo Basin
By Kwaku Aurelien

Made up of eighteen percent of the world’s tropical forests, 10,000 plant species and 400 mammal species, the Congo Basin in Central Africa provides household food security to over 75 million people across 150 ethnic groups, courtesy of its 10,000 plant species and 400 mammal species, and is the second largest contiguous tropical rainforest. Something we all know very well, however, is the urgency of the climate crisis. We, members of Friends of the Congo, will point you who are interested in doing something to combat the climate crisis in the direction of the Congo Basin. Our objective is not to convince any environmental justice organization to include the Congo Basin in their organizing strategies, but to simply have them look into the Congo Basin, because once they look into it, they will see its importance and work it into their organizing strategies themselves.

In 2017, Congolese and British scientists discovered a peatland in the central Congo Basin covering an area of over 145,000 square kilometers (>56,000 square miles) – an area the size of England. A peatland consists primarily of peat – soil composed of the buildup of partially decomposed organic matter over thousands of years. Why is this important? Carbon sequestration. Carbon sequestration is the process by which carbon dioxide is captured and stored (United States Geological Survey). Peat sequesters carbon more efficiently than any other vegetation type in the world combined (International Union for Conservation of Nature), with peatlands storing twice as much carbon as all the world’s forests and damaged peatlands accounting for five percent of global anthropogenic CO2 emissions. It is estimated that the peat located in the Congo Basin in what is known as the Cuvette Centrale (Central Basin) stores over 30 billion metric tons of carbon. To put into perspective how significant this is, 30 billion metric tons of carbon is equivalent to the amount the United States emits from burning fossil fuels over a twenty-year span, and to the amount the entire world emits over three years. Perhaps more amazingly, peatlands in the Congo Basin hold as much carbon as all of its trees put together, despite only covering four percent of the entire rainforest. It is for this reason that climate scientists stress the protection of the Congo Basin. It is the only rainforest on the planet that sequesters more carbon than it releases. Africans outside the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) or Republic of Congo are all too aware of its importance. During the Season of Creation 2021, the Ecclesial Network for the Congo River Basin (REBAC) – a Catholic coalition consisting of the DRC, Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic, Cameroon, Equatorial Guinea, and Gabon – called the Congo Basin “the second lung of the Earth” (Union of Catholic Asian News 2021). However, external and internal forces threaten to transform an image as positive as a lung of the Earth to something as menacingly sounding as a “carbon bomb.”

Damian Carrington and Matthew Taylor of The Guardian defined a carbon bomb as “a project capable of pumping at least 1 billion tons of CO2 emissions over [its] lifetime.” Usually, these are fossil fuel projects. In the case of the Congo Basin, the peat is continually disrupted by international timber firms who clearcut trees illegally. In fact, as of 2011, at least 87% of the logging in the Congo was illegal, per Chatham House. Only eight percent of the central Congo peat carbon is located in nationally protected areas. Ninety-two percent is vulnerable to future land exploitation, per CongoPeat.

The Global North has very deceptively attempted to fearmonger over the fact that the Congo has aspirations of increasing its oil production from 25,000 barrels per day to 1 million. They claim that doing so would destroy the Congo Basin rainforests. While it is true that oil expansion poses a serious threat, it cannot be ignored that the biggest threat to this point has been the supply chain demands of foreign companies, who buy Congolese wood at a cheap price to fashion it into finished goods and sell it back to the Congo at an exorbitant price.

There are multiple bad faith actors at play here. The Rwandan government under Paul Kagame (Al Jazeera 2022) and the Ugandan government under Yoweri Museveni (Africa Intelligence 2022) are guilty of instrumentalizing a proxy rebel militia known as the March 23 Movement, or M23, to destabilize Eastern Congo and exploiting its timber and mineral wealth. The Congo Basin rainforests are at stake here, notably Virunga National Park, a UNESCO World Heritage Site (TRT World 2023). As a consequence of M23’s activities, hundreds of thousands of Congolese have been displaced from their ancestral lands. Illegal logging has become rampant, and it is estimated that by 2030, thirty percent of the rainforest will have disappeared. If this pace continues, it could mean the destruction of all primary forests by 2100 (National Geographic 2021).

A December 2021 article by The Washington Post stated that the Democratic Republic of the Congo “faces pressure to preserve its peatlands and the vast stores of carbon they hold, or develop them for profit, releasing an enormous carbon bomb into the atmosphere.” Friends of the Congo cannot stress enough that the issue of the Congo Basin is not solely a Congolese issue. It is not a Central African or an African issue. It is an issue of humanity. It is an issue of the world and all who inhabit it. As such, it cannot be solved without international cooperation – true, sincere international cooperation. No longer can false promises be tolerated, such as that which was made at COP26 by the United States, European Commission on behalf of the European Union, United Kingdom, and Bezos Earth Fund, among others, to imburse $1.5 billion between 2021 and 2025 to protect the Congo Basin. No longer can neocolonialism be tolerated. Paul Kagame’s Rwandan Patriotic Army received training from U.S. Green Berets in the late 1990s. In turn, Kagame’s military trained rebels in the DRC, then known as Zaire, in 1998 (The Washington Post 1998). Kagame today is recognized in the West as someone whom African nations should look up to as a model of modernization, his crimes against his fellow Africans ignored. When attempts are made to hold him and other neocolonial agents accountable, the United States runs diplomatic interference to protect them. Case in point; when the United Nations learned that elements of the Rwandan military committed war crimes constituting crimes against humanity in June of 1998, the United States, in spite of the UN report and other indications of human rights abuse, collaborated with Rwandan military units in a Joint Combined Exchange Training in July (The Washington Post 1998). Per The Washington Post article “Africans Use Training in Unexpected Ways,” “U.S. officials defend[ed] the collaboration by arguing that it is wiser to engage with Rwanda to help it develop a human rights culture than to step aside and risk a new descent of the country into chaos.” Almost twenty-five years later, it is apparent that human rights is the U.S. and the West’s buzzword for imperialism, which Kwame Nkrumah told us neocolonialism is the last stage of imperialism.

The Global North must make restitution to the Global South for colonialism; otherwise, how easily can the Congo Basin, Amazon Rainforest, and Indonesian rainforests among others see a restoration of their biodiversity? Moreover, how else will forest communities get their just due? It was moving reading chief Joseph Bonkile Engobo, a.k.a. Papa Joseph, say that if his forest community of Lokolama was not paid for their role in protecting the peatlands, they would “destroy them so everyone will die” (The New York Times 2022).  No longer can extractivism be tolerated as it is currently tolerated in the artisanal mining of cobalt and coltan in the Congo by private industry. It can no longer be tolerated as it is currently tolerated in the harvesting of palm oil by private industry at the expense of the local population, who have been exposed to toxic waste generated by Plantations et Huileries du Congo (PHC). Global North hegemony must be dismantled to preserve lives, livelihoods, and the planet. As we’ve demonstrated, in our unequal current world order, things such as a green transition and vegan food products which seem positive on the surface are made into points of extraction. There isn’t a state in the USA that can become fully electric sans the Congo. 

The most important people, whose voices must be heard and taken seriously, are the indigenous people living on the land in the Congo Basin. Members of the Congolese intelligentsia increasingly have wisened up to the fact that radio is the most effective means of organizing Congo Basin residents, who already mobilize against the destruction and seizing of their ancestral lands but who lack ready means of coordinating organized resistance or learning new developments sans access to electricity, Internet, and telecommunications. The Center for International Forestry Research[1] [2] [3]  (CIFOR) and its subsidiary Climate Change and Forests in the Congo Basin (COBAM) created a radio program called “Following Changing Seasons.” It is set in a debate format and is broadcast monthly by Cameroon Radio and Television (CRTV), Cameroon’s national radio station. COBAM itself encompasses Cameroon, DRC, Republic of the Congo, Central African Republic, Equatorial Guinea, and Gabon. Its objective is to provide local communities with the information necessary to implement projects that will guarantee reduction of carbon emissions in forest areas. Perhaps the most vital point of this radio project and others like it is that they provide a platform for frontline community members and forest defenders that they otherwise would not have. A Cameroonian radio journalist said the following about the CIFORCOBAM radio program:

            “Since we started rebroadcasting the COBAM radio programme, people – particularly 
              farmers – have been coming to our studio for more information on how to deal with
             unpredictable seasons and have better harvests.”

The people of the Congo Basin rainforests are fighting everyday for their lives and livelihoods. Their coalescing into an organized movement will ensure victory and bring about a lasting change.   

For the perspectives of the Indigenous people who are asking what they will get in return for protecting one of the world’s most important ecosystems, visit www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/02/21/headway/peatlands-congo-climate-change.html: “What Do The Protectors of Congo’s Peatlands Get In Return?”

For more on the Congo Basin, visit www.congopeat.net. This website is a godsend, using models to simulate future development of peatland ecosystems in the Congo Basin.

Listen to Maurice Carney, co-founder and Executive Director of Friends of the Congo, on this issue on A Rude Awakening, at 94.1 KPFA or at Apple Podcasts.

Works Cited

 “A Rude Awakening with Maurice Carney, Samuel Yagase and Sophia Murphy.” n.d. KPFA. Accessed January 13, 2023. https://kpfa.org/episode/a-rude-awakening-october-14-2022/.

 ADF. 2021. “Protecting Earth’s ‘Second Lung.’” Africa Defense Forum. October 15, 2021. https://adf-magazine.com/2021/10/protecting-earths-second-lung/.

 “Africa Intelligence: Exclusive News on Africa.” n.d. Africa Intelligence. Accessed January 13, 2023. https://www.africaintelligence.com/central-africa/2022/12/14/report-by-un-experts-reveals-kampala-s-role-in-m23-s-advances.

 Akinwande, Babatope. “Could Radio Help Mitigate Climate Change in the Congo Basin? - Our World.” n.d. Ourworld.unu.edu. Accessed January 18, 2023. https://ourworld.unu.edu/en/could-radio-help-mitigate-climate-change-in-the-congo-basin.

 Bociaga, Robert. “How the M23 Advance Threatens DR Congo’s Endangered Gorilla Population.” n.d. How the M23 Advance Threatens DR Congo’s Endangered Gorilla Population. Accessed January 20, 2023. https://www.trtworld.com/magazine/how-the-m23-advance-threatens-dr-congo-s-endangered-gorilla-population-64154.

 Brown, H.C. Peach. 2011. “Gender, Climate Change and REDD+ in the Congo Basin Forests of Central Africa.” International Forestry Review 13 (2): 163–76. https://doi.org/10.1505/146554811797406651.

 Cannon, John. “The ‘Idea’: Uncovering the Peatlands of the Congo Basin.” 2021. Mongabay Environmental News. December 2, 2021. https://news.mongabay.com/2021/12/the-idea-uncovering-the-peatlands-of-the-congo-basin/.

 Carrington, Damian, and Matthew Taylor. 2022. “Revealed: The ‘Carbon Bombs’ Set to Trigger Catastrophic Climate Breakdown.” The Guardian. May 11, 2022. https://www.theguardian.com/environment/ng-interactive/2022/may/11/fossil-fuel-carbon-bombs-climate-breakdown-oil-gas.

 Center for Global Development. 2015. “Developed Countries Are Responsible for 79 Percent of Historical Carbon Emissions.” Center for Global Development. August 18, 2015. https://www.cgdev.org/media/who-caused-climate-change-historically.

 “‘Changing Seasons’: Using the Radio to Communicate and Exchange Knowledge about the Fight against Climate Change in the Congo Basin Forests.” n.d. Climate Change and Forests in the Congo Basin (COBAM). Accessed January 18, 2023. https://www2.cifor.org/cobam/multimedia/radio/.

 “Climate Change and Forests in the Congo Basin (COBAM) - Synergies between Adaptation and Mitigation.” n.d. Climate Change and Forests in the Congo Basin (COBAM). Accessed January 18, 2023. https://www2.cifor.org/cobam/.

 Coalition, Global Forest, and Oliver Munnion. 2020. “15 Years of REDD+: Has It Been Worth the Money?” Global Forest Coalition. September 2, 2020. https://globalforestcoalition.org/15-years-of-redd/.

 “COBAM Project: Using the Radio as a Means of Effective Information Exchange in Combating Climate Change in the Congo Basin - CBFP.” n.d. Archive.pfbc-Cbfp.org. Accessed January 18, 2023. https://archive.pfbc-cbfp.org/news_en/items/COBAM_Project-EN.html.

 “Congo and the Climate Crisis: Frontline Voices from the Congo Basin.” n.d. Www.youtube.com. Accessed January 13, 2023. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=XahAahu8zoc&ab_channel=FriendsoftheCongo.

 “DRC Orders Expulsion of Rwandan Envoy as M23 Rebels Seize Towns.” n.d. Www.aljazeera.com. Accessed January 18, 2023. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/10/30/dr-congo-expels-rwandan-ambassador-as-m23-rebels-gain-ground.

 “Exploring the Central Congo Basin Peatlands.” n.d. Www.youtube.com. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=44mtN3IJ46U&ab_channel=CongoPeat.

 Gouby, Mélanie. “World’s Second Biggest Rainforest Will Soon Reopen to Large-Scale Logging.” 2021. Environment. September 29, 2021. https://www.nationalgeographic.com/environment/article/worlds-second-biggest-rainforest-will-soon-reopen-to-large-scale-logging.

 Hang, Christi. 2018. “Where REDD+ Money Goes – and Doesn’t Go.” CIFOR Forests News. June 5, 2018. https://forestsnews.cifor.org/56531/where-redd-money-goes-and-doesnt-go?fnl=en.

 Maclean, Ruth. 2022. “What Do the Protectors of Congo’s Peatlands Get in Return?” The New York Times, February 22, 2022, sec. Headway. https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2022/02/21/headway/peatlands-congo-climate-change.html.

 Nzwili, Frederick. “Catholics in Africa Celebrate Congo Basin as Earth’s Second Lung.” n.d. Www.ncronline.org. Accessed January 18, 2023. https://www.ncronline.org/earthbeat/justice/catholics-africa-celebrate-congo-basin-earths-second-lung.

 “Peatlands and Climate Change.” 2021. IUCN. December 1, 2021. https://www.iucn.org/resources/issues-brief/peatlands-and-climate-change#:~:text=Peatlands%20are%20the%20largest%20natural.

 Piabuo, Serge Mandiefe, Peter A. Minang, Chupezi Julius Tieguhong, Divine Foundjem-Tita, and Frankline Nghobuoche. 2021. “Illegal Logging, Governance Effectiveness and Carbon Dioxide Emission in the Timber-Producing Countries of Congo Basin and Asia.” Environment, Development and Sustainability, February. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10668-021-01257-8.

 Popovich, Nadja, and Brad Plumer. 2021. “Who Has the Most Historical Responsibility for Climate Change?” The New York Times, November 12, 2021, sec. Climate. https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2021/11/12/climate/cop26-emissions-compensation.html.

 “REDD+ Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation | Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations.” n.d. Www.fao.org. https://www.fao.org/redd/en/.

 Silverstein, Ken. n.d. “Illegal Logging and the Global North Threaten Congo’s Rainforest — Not Oil Drilling.” Forbes. Accessed January 15, 2023. https://www.forbes.com/sites/kensilverstein/2022/08/01/illegal-logging-and-the-global-north-threaten-congos-rainforest---not-oil-drilling/?sh=3bc0c2c63899.

 Tata Ngome, Precillia Ijang, Charlie Shackleton, Anne Degrande, and Julius Chupezi Tieguhong. 2017. “Addressing Constraints in Promoting Wild Edible Plants’ Utilization in Household Nutrition: Case of the Congo Basin Forest Area.” Agriculture & Food Security 6 (1). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40066-017-0097-5.

“Why Is This Spot in the Congo Attracting so Much Attention? | Mongabay Explains.” n.d. Www.youtube.com. Accessed January 12, 2023. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z-I_G1JlOyA&t=181s&ab_channel=Mongabay.

 Umuhoza, Victoire Ingabire. n.d. “To Save the Congo Basin Rainforest, End the Conflict in the DRC.” Www.aljazeera.com. https://www.aljazeera.com/opinions/2022/11/12/to-save-the-congo-basin-rainforest-end-the-conflict-in-the-drc.

 Uwera, Ley. n.d. “The Race to Defuse Congo’s Carbon Bomb.” Washington Post. https://www.washingtonpost.com/climate-environment/interactive/2021/congo-peatlands-carbon-emissions/.

           

Post-Colonial Artwork in the Congo: The Lubumbashi Movement

The Kingdom of Kongo rose in the 13th century. For centuries following its inception, Kongo wrote itself into history as one of the richest artistic regions in Africa, producing countless works inspiring awe, admiration, and fear. More than five hundred years after Kongo’s inception, part of it became designated the Congo Free State, a private holding of Belgian King Leopold II. Associate Professor Chika Okeke-Agulu of Princeton University’s Department of Art and Archaeology describes King Leopold II’s subsequent treatment of the Congo as “a symbol of the terrors of imperialism and colonialism” and that his various dramatic exploitations of the land and its people caused the Congo to be “where the idea of international human rights [was] more or less born.” In the words of African art collector Christian Sulger-Buel, “King Leopold treated the people and the land like his private property. He owned Congo the way you’d own your car.” Needless to say, decades of political strife and injustices suffered by the people of the Congo have created movements of reactionary artwork seeking to document and negotiate the darkness of Congo’s turbulent history. 

One of the largest postcolonial reactionary political artwork movements is the “Lubumbashi Movement.” The movement developed from a group of artists living and working out of the southeastern Congolese city of Lubumbashi in the 1970s. Artwork from the Lubumbashi Movement commonly depicted scenes from the 16th and 17th-century slave trade, acts of brutality by colonial masters, and more contemporary issues such as miner strikes (with Lubumbashi being the copper mining heartland of Congo) and independence. One popular subgenre within the Lubumbashi movement that particularly symbolizes the spirit of the movement is “Colonie Belge.” The subgenre consists of paintings that depict a white man (a representation of a colonial master) impeccably dressed, doing nothing except watching a black man flog another black man. As Salimata Diop, head of programs at London’s Africa Centre, said, “these artists were [clearly] not making ‘airport art’ - art for foreigners or tourists to buy. They saw themselves as artisans and made art for local people.” 

In many ways, reactionary postcolonial African art, like that of the Lubumbashi movement, signifies a newfound sense of identity that had been ripped away from Africans in colonial times. Not only are the images these postcolonial artists created striking for their raw and truthfully graphic content, but they are also remarkable for their use of color and fine lines. Due to the extreme poverty much of Africa was submerged in after decades of conflict and political strife, these artists only had access to basic primary colors and large brushes. The fact that these were able to overcome these obstacles to create artwork that would come to represent the metaphorical ghosts of the Congo (and colonial Africa as a whole––forced labor, civil war, violent repression of protests) is a testament to human resilience and the power of art forms in dark times. 

Jasmine Chen
Mr. Tommolino
Independent Study
Adelphi University

SOURCES:

https://www.cnn.com/2015/05/27/africa/congo-drc-53-echoes-of-zaire-exhibition 

https://artmuseum.princeton.edu/story/idea-kongo-contemporary-art 

https://biennialfoundation.org/biennials/lubumbashi-biennale/ 


A Solem Dedication to Dr. Shomari Harper

 Dr. Shomari Harper (January 5, 1959 - September 17, 2022

On Monday, January 5th, 1959 at 8:48 at New York Infirmary in Manhattan, after 12 hours of labor to Darren Harper, was born to Leroy and Althea Harper. He was named Darren Kurt Harper, meaning dignity, strength and ambition, and he grew to embody each character trait. The family moved to East 96th Street in Brooklyn, where he was raised. At age 5 he graduated from kindergarten. The educational foundation he received at school was rewarding. He learned to love learning which was fueled by his intellectual curiosity. He started piano lessons at age 7 and performed on two occasions at Brooklyn Academy of Music. He developed a love for music and continued to play saxophone in high school and college. He played each instrument with equal excellence. His extracurricular activities were scouting and karate and he became an Eagle Scout.


In keeping with his strong sense of community, Dr. Harper also served as the Coordinator of the Health Ministry and Kijana, the Young Men’s Rights of Passage program, at First Afrikan Presbyterian Church. He was an active member of several Pan-African community organizations including National Black United Front, Organization of United African Peoples, Organization of African Unity, National Action Network, Friends of the Congo and the Pan-African Federalist Movement, at which he held the position of Research and Strategy Commissioner for North America. He maintained a special interest in Environmental Health and carried on the legacy of strong environmental advocacy for environmental justice that he and his late wife cultivated together. Dr. Harper became a devoted member of Citizens for a Healthy and Safe Environment (CHASE) in 2009. He often spoke at county commission meetings, city council meetings, protests and rallies educating the community about the adverse health impacts of hazardous waste and toxic chemicals. He was elected to the position of Vice-President of CHASE on August 12, 2022.

Darren Shomari was a dedicated husband, father, brother and grandfather, a loyal and devoted friend and a strong advocate for causes that support the Black community and the African diaspora. Being an example of a strong Black family unit was one of his lifelong passions. He was a strong supporter of his late wife especially throughout the latter part of her life. He was charismatic, jovial and a strong supporter of all who knew him. He had a way of making all in the community feel welcome and valued.

Dr. Harper was preceded in death by his wife Janice Teheera Nichols Harper, his father Leroy Harper and his parents-in-law Rufus and Janet Nichols. He leaves to celebrate his living legacy, his beloved children Nia, Kamau and Malik, his 91 year old mother, Althea Harper, for whom he served as a dedicated caregiver until the end of his life. His older brother Dennis Harper, his younger brother, who is jokingly referred to as his twin because of their lifelong closeness, Dr. Brian Harper (Penni). His brothers-in-law, Dr. Ronald (Sati) Nichols, Rev. Dr. Reginald (Vanessa) Nichols and Roy Nichols. His cherished grandchildren Jalen, Zenzele, Manelin, Naade, Mansa, Asante-Taheera and Mandel. Nieces and nephews (Averi, Omari, Russell, Troy, Ryan, Therren, Aaron, Austin, Lauren, Yejide, Aliyiah) and a host of Aunts, Uncles, cousins, godchildren and friends. Click here to read entire dedication!

Regret for Belgium but No restitution for the Congolese?

The ruthless colonial history of Belgium in the Congo is one of brutality, enslavement, and egregious violations of the human rights of African people. The Belgian King, King Philippe, visited the Democratic Republic of the Congo on June 7th, 2022 through June 13th. During the visit, the king expressed his “deepest regrets” for Belgium’s abuses by Belgium colonial forces in the Congo.

However, King Philippe did not express any remorse for the overall colonization of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Which, under early colonial rule, from 1884-1908, was the private property of King Leopold II, who named the region ‘The Congo Free-State’. In 1908 the region known as the Congo was still colonized, however, it was handed over to the Belgian government after King Leopold II’s atrocities were brought to light. But the lack of remorse in 2022 shown by the King for Belgium’s role in colonizing the Congo left many people in the international community quite perplexed, considering that Belgium led an atrocity that killed an estimated 10 million Congolese people under King Leopold II's direct colonial rule. During the peak of Belgium’s direct colonial rule over the Congo, many European powers were industrializing their countries through the exploitation and expropriation of mineral resources from the African continent. The Congo was rich in its ivory and rubber. King Leopold II saw the Congo as an opportunity for Belgium to advance beyond other European powers and spread their western doctrine throughout his new colony. And so began the brutal exploitation and enslavement of Congolese men, women, and children for ivory, rubber, and other resources King Leopold II felt were needed for industrial development.

With context to Belgium's vicious colonial, exploitative, and racist history in the Congo, the international community is justified in stating ‘regret is not enough’, in response to Phillippe of Belgium’s remarks. A Congolese opposition senator, Francine Muyumba Nkanga, tweeted, “I salute the speech by the Belgian king. However, in the face of the crimes committed by Belgium, regrets are not enough.” She continued, “We expect an apology and a promise of reparations from him. That is the price to definitively turn the page.”

Many people on-the-ground in the Congo have spoken to the fact that the Belgian king’s arrival is a “distraction”, unless he is compensating Congolese people via reparations for the years of colonialism in the Congo by Belgium rule. “Belgium must ask for forgiveness from the Congolese people but also compensate them,” said Francis Kambale, a student living in Goma,

DRC. Kambale went on to say, “Our grandparents were beaten like animals, others were killed. But also, our many minerals and cultural goods were stolen by Belgium. This visit by the Belgian king is a distraction. Congo does not benefit in any way, nor does it improve the economic conditions of the Congolese.” As Francis Kambale mentioned, many of the mineral and cultural goods were stolen by Belgium. During Philippe of Belgium’s visit, he brought back the traditional mask of the Suku people to a Congolese nation museum as an “indefinite loan.” The mask has been held for decades by Belgium.

Black Alliance for Peace’s Netfa Freeman spoke in an interview with PressTV on the issue stating, “they can’t apologize, ‘regrets’ means that they're not acknowledging any responsibility for it, they just feel regret about it.” Freeman continued by saying, “So to acknowledge it, to take responsibility, or to apologize for it comes too close to acknowledging the validity and reparations owed to Africa and to, in this case, the Congo in particular. And actually looking at the conditions of the Congo it would be acknowledging that today’s conditions are the result of Belgium's colonization.”

In condemnation of King Philippe’s supposed “regretful” apology for what happened in the Congo, it is important to note that King Philippe is a descendant of King Leopold II. So, though he may feel regret for the harm inflicted upon Congolese by his ancestors, King Philippe understands that the wealth and development Belgium sees today is a direct result of the colonization, enslavement, and plundering of the Congo. An acknowledgement or passing of legislation to order reparations be paid to Congolese people will thus challenge the legitimacy of the entire western world, forcing the west to come to grips with their own history of how they have accumulated their wealth over the past 500 years. This would be an eye-opening examination that would allow Africa to place the western world on center stage and call for an end to the imperialistic theft and plundering of Africa that continues today. Instead of strictly the Congo receiving reparations, we would be forced to look at all of Africa receiving its rightful restitution. The Belgian government’s failure to acknowledge its colonialism over the Congo is an ongoing struggle that the Congolese people hope to win via reparations from Belgium. Part of that victory would also be ensuring that the Congolese regained all its stolen artifacts from the colonial period, and so much more. If the Congolese people win, so will all of Africa!

Joshua Newman
Senior, Hampton University
Intern, FOTC

Booker T. Washington’s Tuskegee Continues The Legacy of the Congo Connection

 Booker T Washington's Tuskegee Continues
The Legacy of the Congo Connection

Booker T. Washington in his 1904 essay "Cruelty in the Congo" articulated profound African solidarity when he noted "The oppression of the colored race in any one part of the world means, sooner or later, the oppression of the same race elsewhere." Booker T. Washington championed the cause of the Congolese people. Washington was a member of the Congo Reform Association, which exposed the crimes of King Leopold II in the Congo. 

(L to R) Mayor, Louis d’Or Ntumba Tshiapota
Senator, Eddy Mundela, & Mayor Tony Haygood

Today, his home base of Tuskegee, Alabama and Tuskegee University continue the tradition and heritage of connecting with and standing by the Congolese people. Eddy Mundela, the vice-president of the D.R. Congo Senate, Tuskegee Mayor, Tony Haygood and Agriculturalist and Entrepreneur, Dewey Boyd are leading the way in connecting Tuskegee with the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) via a sister city initiative.

On June 13, 2022, Tuskegee formally established a Sister City relationship with Mubji Mayi in the Kasai province of the D.R. Congo and its current Mayor Louis d’Or Ntumba Tshiapota. Mayor Haygood, Senator Mundela and Mayor Tshiapota signed the accord in front of an august delegation of dignitaries in Tuskegee, Alabama.

The accord goes beyond the symbolic and will involve skills transfer, technology exchange, trade and commerce. The initiative is part and parcel of an overall initiative to connect Black farmers and agriculturalists with Congolese entrepreneurs, collectives and cities. It is the 21st century version of a mighty race lifting itself up through partnerships and collaborations. We encourage you to join this Pan African economic effort and be a part of advancing African peoples at home and abroad.